After
you stop laughing, what is happening is not weird at all. It is the
demos in action, a little faster than usual thanks to modern
communication, but in action nonetheless. A conservative Muslim
brotherhood has over played its hand and is now watching as its
opposition coalesces into a strong sectarian brotherhood. We will
have two strands as usual who must cooperate to get much done.
More
importantly, the Muslim Brotherhood is learning the limits on its
support and real power just as Mubarak did.
In
the meantime the military largely stays out of sight to protect their
perks as much as they are allowed.
Not
much is wrong when both the old regime and the Muslim Brotherhood is
chastened. We may even see a valid constitution come out of this
turmoil. At that point we will have a vibrant elected government
fully supported and surely a strongly subdued factionalism unable to
inflict much damage.
Over
and over again, the implementation of a fair democracy provides hope
for minorities to find sponsorship and protection and this ends
conflict. Egypt's progress from the starting gun has been actually
rather swift. This present outburst has increased my faith in a
successful resolution here.
Good
people are rising and the demos has put its foot down which should be
enough. The would be pharaohs are slipping into the night.
Things are getting
weird in Egypt
An odd alliance
between pro-democracy activists and Mubarak loyalists is raising
eyebrows. Who is playing who?
Erin
CunninghamDecember 6, 2012 13:36
CAIRO, Egypt —
Thirty-four-year-old Sara Ebeid had never before participated in an
anti-government protest.
She was a supporter of
Egypt’s ousted dictator, Hosni Mubarak, and opposed the 2011
revolution.
But all that changed
Tuesday night, when she joined tens of thousands of Egyptians outside
the presidential palace to protest Mohamed Morsi’s new,
wide-ranging powers.
Ebeid, who works for
Nokia, stayed for the demonstration Wednesday night too. That protest
turned violent. Clashes erupted between those for and against Morsi,
leaving at least six people dead and 650 injured.
It was Egypt’s
fiercest street battle since Morsi assumed office in June. On
Thursday, Morsi sent in tanks to disperse the crowd.
“I never went down
to Tahrir to protest with the revolutionaries because I’ve always
been felool,” Ebeid said, using an Arabic word that has evolved
into a derogatory term meaning “remnants” or supporters of the
Mubarak regime. “But right now we have the same goal. I want Morsi
out.”
Ebeid’s
transformation into a protester illustrates an odd twist in Egypt’s
tumultuous post uprising history. As opposition to Morsi grows
fierce, an unlikely alliance is forming between pro-democracy
revolutionaries and the counterrevolutionary bloc that rejected
the 2011 uprising.
The latter group
largely supported security crackdowns on Tahrir
Square demonstrators at the time, and many voted for the
pro-military candidate Ahmed Shafiq in last summer’s elections.
This most recent wave
of protests emerged from a confrontation between Morsi, a former
Muslim Brotherhood leader, and the country’s judiciary, which is
sympathetic to Mubarak and the military. In June, The Supreme
Constitutional Court voted to dissolve the parliament, which was
dominated by Islamists after a democratic election.
Morsi later responded
by decreeing greater powers for the presidency, allowing him to
operate outside the control of the judiciary. The move was widely
seen as step back toward dictatorship and protests erupted. A
hastily written constitution that lacks the support of secular forces
and Egypt’s Coptic Christian church, only made matters worse.
The alliance between
Mubarak supporters and liberal activists was made nearly official
Wednesday when three titans of Egyptian politics joined forces in
opposition to Morsi.
Amr Moussa, a former
Mubarak official, and Hamdeen Sabbahi, a longtime Mubarak opponent —
as well as the liberal Nobel Laureate Mohamed ElBaradei — will now
form the most unlikely of political coalitions.
In another surprise,
pro-democracy activists have thrown their support behind the
judiciary, which despite a contingent of reform minded judges, is
considered a corrupt Mubarak holdover in desperate need of reform.
The majority of
Egypt’s judges have halted their work in protest against the Morsi
decree sidelining the judiciary. Some have announced they will
boycott the judicial supervision of the constitutional referendum on
Dec. 15, which is required by law.
Mervat Sameh, a
35-year-old accountant who protested outside the presidential palace
Tuesday night, said it was time to put old divisions between the
revolutionaries and Mubarak supporters aside.
“These people, they
are standing with us now. And in this situation, when they are
putting their lives and livelihoods at risk, we have to trust them,”
he said.
The uneasy cooperation
is not without controversy.
Some activists warily
accept the participation of those that balked at the goals of the
anti-Mubarak uprising last year, if only to boost the numbers at
anti-Morsi demonstrations. But for them, that’s as far as the
alliance goes.
“Felool supporters
are Egyptians who just chose something sinister. We must win them
over, but never align ourselves with their goals,” Egyptian
activist, Wael Eskandar, posted on Twitter on Nov. 28.
The presence of
Mubarak supporters at this week’s protests has added credibility to
claims by the Muslim Brotherhood that regime loyalists and the
military are conspiring to unseat the democratically elected
Islamists.
Brotherhood leaders
and spokespeople have been quick to paint the protests as the work of
“armed thugs,” supported and paid by the Mubarak faithful.
“The constitutional
court overstepped their legally imposed bounds, and [Morsi] had to
react,” said Ibrahim Al Iraqi, a Brotherhood leader in the
Egyptian province of Dahqhleya. “And now, anti-revolutionary forces
and the remnants of the regime are inciting people to act against
Egypt’s interests.”
The political demands
of the new opposition — put forth by the coalition of ElBaradei,
Moussa and Sabbahi — include Morsi rescinding his decree, calling
off the constitutional referendum, and the creation of a new, more
representative constituent assembly.
But pro-Mubarak
protesters like Ebeid are clear that, no matter what, they want the
Islamists far from the seats of power.
“I don’t want to
talk about the constitution. There can be no negotiations about
this,” she said. “I want Morsi out, I want the Brotherhood out. I
don’t want any religion close to or related to the state.”
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