This is something to carefully
consider. What is set up is a government sponsored cabal that has no
particular duty but to be available in the event that the USA is
decapitated. That is convincing and valid. The problem lies in that
you must allow these folks to mostly stand by and scheme and hope
they do not do something stupid.
It is not consistent but it can
act and therein we have difficulty particularly if it is in conflict
with the president or creates conflict for him. The chance of
mistakes is naturally amplified.
Yet what we have here is the
natural genisis of our curious response to 9/11. Homeland Security
and simillar measures came to us as a preplanned package and was then
sold as a solution when the most minimal analysis indicates
otherwise. These were not solutions but power grabs and money grabs.
Even the war in Iraq was a clearly inappropriate response to 9/11.
These individuals do not answer
to the voters but have meddled and even blundered because politicians
have allowed thenm to.
The
Hidden Government Group Linking JFK, Watergate, Iran-Contra And 9/11
. . All the links and connections are coming out now.
Posted
on October 6, 2014by Jean
Source: WhoWhatWhy.com
By Peter Dale Scott
By Peter Dale Scott
Oct 5, 2014
Peter Dale Scott is
considered the father of “Deep Politics”— the
study of hidden permanent institutions and interests whose influence
on the political realm transcends the elected, appointed and career
officials who come and go.
A
Professor of English at Berkeley and a former Canadian diplomat, he
is the author of several critically acclaimed books on the pivotal
events of our country’s recent past, including Deep Politics
and the Death of JFK
;
Drugs, Oil, and War: The
United States in Afghanistan, Colombia, and Indochina (War and Peace
Library)
; The Road to 9/11:
Wealth, Empire, and the Future of America
and American War
Machine: Deep Politics, the CIA Global Drug Connection, and the Road
to Afghanistan (War and Peace Library)
. He is also a poet,
whose long work, Coming to Jakarta: A Poem about Terror, was
hailed as “the most important political poem to appear in the
English language in a very long time,” by Robert Hass, Poet
Laureate of the United States from 1995 to 1997.
Daniel
Ellsberg said of his book Drugs, Oil and War, “It makes most
academic and journalistic explanations of our past and current
interventions read like government propaganda written for children.”
What
follows is based on a recent Scott lecture entitled “The
JFK Assassination and Other Deep Events”, and will be expanded on
further in his next book, The American Deep State, due out
in November
For
some time now, I have been analyzing American history in the light of
what I have called structural deep events: events, like
the JFK assassination, the Watergate break-in, Iran-Contra, or 9/11,
which repeatedly involve law-breaking or violence, are mysterious to
begin with, are embedded in ongoing covert processes, have
political consequences that enlarge covert government, and
are subsequently covered up by systematic falsifications in the
mainstream media and internal government records.
The
more I study these deep events, the more I
see suggestive similarities between them,
increasing the possibility
that they are not unrelated external intrusions on
American history, but parts of an endemic process, sharing to some
degree or other a common source.
For
example, one factor linking Dallas, Watergate, Iran-Contra, and 9/11,
has been the involvement in all four deep events of personnel
involved in America’s highest-level emergency planning,
known since the 1950s as Continuity
of Government (COG) planning, or
more colloquially inside the Pentagon as “the Doomsday Project.”
A few of these actors may have been located at the top, as overseers
of the secret COG system. Others – including some I shall talk
about today – were located further down in its secret
communications network.
I
see this planning group as one among many in what I have chosen to
call the American deep state, along with agencies like the CIA and
NSA, the private groups like Booz Allen Hamilton to which more than
half of the US
intelligence budget is outsourced, and finally the powerful
banks and corporations whose views are well represented in the CIA
and NSA. But if
only one group among many, the
COG planning group is also special, because of its control of and
access to a communications channel, not under government control,
that can reach deeply into the US social structure.
I discuss these matters at some length in my next book, The
American Deep State, due out in November.
COG
planning was originally authorized by Truman and Eisenhower as
planning for a response to a crippling atomic attack that had
decapitated government. In consequence its planning group
contemplated
extreme measures,
including what Alfonso Chardy in 1987 called “suspension of the
Constitution.” And yet in Iran-Contra its
asset of a secret communications network,
developed for the catastrophe of decapitation, was
used instead to evade an official embargo on arms sales to Iran that
dated back to 1979. My question today is whether
the network could have been similarly misused in November 1963.
The
Iran-contra misuse has been well-documented. Oliver North supervised
the sale of arms to Iran by using his resources as the National
Security Council action officer for COG planning, under cover of a
“National Program Office” that was overseen by then
Vice-President George H. W. Bush. North and his superiors could thus
use the COG emergency network, known then as Flashboard, for the arms
sales to Iran that had to be concealed from other parts of the
Washington bureaucracy as well as the public. So when North had to
send emergency instructions for arms delivery to the US Embassy in
Lisbon, instructions that directly contravened the embargo
prohibiting such sales, he
used the Flashboard network to avoid alerting the Ambassador and
other unwitting personnel.
The
documented example of Iran-Contra allows me to explain what I am
saying about the users of the COG network, and also what I am not
saying. To begin with, I
am not saying that a single “Secret Team” has for
decades been using the COG network to manipulate the US Government
from outside it. There is no evidence to suggest that North’s
actions in Iran-Contra were known to any of his superiors other than
CIA chief William Casey and probably George Bush. The point is
that a very small group had access to a high-level secret network
outside government review, in order to implement a program in
opposition to government policy. They succumbed to the temptation to
use this secure network that had been designed for other purposes. I
have argued elsewhere that this secure network was used again on
9/11, to implement key orders for which the 9/11 Commission could
find no records.
Whether it was also used for illicit purposes is not known.
It
is certain that the COG emergency network program survived North’s
demise, and continued to be secretly developed for decades, at a cost
of billions, and overseen by a team including Dick Cheney and Donald
Rumsfeld. It is relevant that the two men’s presence on the
committee spanned three administrations – those of Reagan, Bush I,
and Clinton — even though at one point under Clinton neither man
held a position inside the U.S. government. Such continuity was
essential for a group so secret that few records existed of its
activities. And on
9/11 COG plans were officially implemented for the first time, by
Vice President Cheney and Defense Secretary Rumsfeld, the two men who
had planned them for so many years.
[ this is extremely inmportant
because it explains the rapid emergence of systems and decisions that
are not naturally anyone's first tactical choice for a response –
arclein ]
Whether
or not they knew about Iran-Contra, Cheney and Rumsfeld were on the
COG planning committee at the time of Iran-Contra. There is no such
obvious link between COG planning and Watergate, but the involvement
of COG personnel in Watergate is nonetheless striking. James McCord,
one of the Watergate burglars, was a member of a small Air Force
Reserve unit in Washington attached to the Office of Emergency
Preparedness (OEP) that was assigned “to
draw up lists of radicals and to develop contingency plans for
censorship of the news media and U.S. mail in time of war.”
His unit was part of the Wartime Information Security Program (WISP),
which had responsibility for activating “contingency plans for
imposing censorship on the press, the mails and all
telecommunications (including government communications) [and]
preventive detention of civilian ‘security risks,’ who would be
placed in military ‘camps.’” In addition, John Dean,
perhaps the central Watergate figure, had overseen secret COG
activities when serving as the associate deputy attorney general.
In
the case of the JFK assassination, I wish to focus on two men who
functioned as part of the communications network of the Office of
Emergency Planning (OEP), the agency renamed in 1968 as the Office of
Emergency Preparedness (to which McCord was attached), and renamed
again in 1982 as the National Program Office (for which Oliver North
was the action officer).
These
two men (there are others) are Winston
Lawson, the Secret Service advance man who from the lead car of the
motorcade was in charge of the Secret Service radio channels
operating in the motorcade;
and Jack
Crichton, the army intelligence reserve officer who with Deputy
Dallas Police Chief George Lumpkin selected the Russian interpreter
for Marina Oswald’s first
(and falsified) FBI interview.
Lawson
has drawn the
critical attention of JFK researchers, both for
dubious actions he took before and during the assassination, and also
for false statements he made after it
(some of them under oath). For example, Lawson reported after the
assassination that motorcycles were deployed on “the right and left
flanks of the President’s car” (17 WH 605). On the morning of
November 22, however, the orders had been changed (3 WH 244), so that
the motorcycles rode instead, as Lawson himself testified to the
Warren Commission, “just back of the President’s car” (4 WH
338; cf. 21 WH 768-70). Captain Lawrence of the Dallas Police
testified that that the
proposed side escorts were redeployed to the rear on Lawson’s own
instructions (7
WH 580-81; cf. 18 WH 809, 21 WH 571). This would appear to have
left the President more vulnerable to a possible crossfire.
Early
on November 22, at Love Field, Lawson installed, in what would become
the lead car, the base radio whose frequencies were used by all
Secret Service agents on the motorcade. This radio channel,
operated by the White House Communications Agency (WHCA), was used
for some key decisions before and after the assassination, yet its
records, unlike those of the Dallas Police Department (DPD) Channels
One and Two, were never made available to the Warren Commission, or
any subsequent investigation. The tape was not withheld because it
was irrelevant; on the contrary, it contained very significant
information.
The
WHCA actually reports to this day on its website that the agency was
“a key player in documenting the assassination of President
Kennedy.” However it is not clear for whom this documentation
was conducted, or why it was not made available to the Warren
Commission, the House Select Committee on Assassinations, or the
Assassination Records Review Board (ARRB). It should have been.
For
one thing, the WHCA tape, as Vincent Palamara has written, contains
the “key” to the unresolved mystery of who, after the shooting,
redirected the motorcade to Parkland hospital. The significance of
this apparently straightforward command, about which there was much
conflicting testimony, is heightened when we read repeated orders on
the Dallas Police radio transcript to “cut all traffic for the
ambulance going to Parkland code 3” (17 WH 395) – the ambulance
in question having nothing to do with the president (whose shooting
had not yet been announced on the DPD radio). In fact the ambulance
had been dispatched about ten minutes before the assassination to
pick someone from in front of the Texas School Book Depository
(TSBD), who was wrongly suspected of having suffered an epileptic
seizure.
Lawson
later reported to the Secret Service that he heard on his radio “that
we should proceed to the nearest hospital.” He wrote also that he
“requested Chief Curry to have the hospital contacted,” and then
that “Our Lead Car assisted the motorcycles in escorting the
President’s vehicle to Parkland Hospital” (17 WH 632), cf. 21 WH
580). In other words, after hearing something on the WHCA radio,
Lawson helped ensure that the President’s limousine would follow
the route already set up by the motorcycles for the epileptic. (In
his very detailed Warren Commission testimony, Lawson said nothing
about the route having already been cleared. On the contrary he
testified that “we had to do some stopping of cars and holding our
hands out the windows and blowing the sirens and horns to get
through” (4 WH 354).
The
WHCA radio channel used by Lawson and others communicated almost
directly to the WHCA base at Mount Weather in Virginia, the base
facility of the COG network. From there, Secret Service
communications were relayed to the White House, via the batteries
of communications equipment connecting Mount Weather with the White
House and “Raven Rock” — the underground Pentagon sixty miles
north of Washington — as well as with almost every US military unit
stationed around the globe.
Jack
Crichton, head of the 488th Army Intelligence Reserve unit of
Dallas, was also part of this Mount Weather COG network. This was in
his capacity as chief of intelligence for Dallas Civil Defense, which
worked out of an underground Emergency Operating Center. As Russ
Baker reports, “Because it was intended for ‘continuity of
government’ operations during an attack, [the Center] was fully
equipped with communications equipment.” In retrospect the
Civil Defense Program is remembered derisively, for having advised
schoolchildren, in the event of an atomic attack, to hide their heads
under their desks. But in 1963 civil defense was one of the urgent
responsibilities assigned to the Office of Emergency Planning, which
is why Crichton, as much as Secret Service agent Lawson, could be in
direct touch with the OEP’s emergency communications network at
Mount Weather.
Jack
Crichton is of interest because he, along with DPD Deputy Chief
George Lumpkin of the 488th Army Intelligence Reserve unit, was
responsible for choosing a Russian interpreter for Marina Oswald from
the right-wing Russian community. This man was Ilya Mamantov, who
translated for Marina Oswald at her first DPD interview on November
22. What she allegedly said in Russian at this interview was later
used to bolster what I have called the “phase one” story, still
promoted from some CIA sources, that Russia and/or Cuba were behind
the assassination.
As
summarized by the FBI, Mamantov’s account of Marina’s Russian
testimony was as follows:
MARINA
OSWALD advised that LEE HARVEY OSWALD owned a rifle which he used in
Russia about two years ago. She observed what she presumed to be the
same rifle in a blanket in the garage at [Ruth Paine’s residence]….
MARINA OSWALD stated that on November 22, she had been shown a rifle
in the Dallas Police Department…. She stated that it was a dark
color like the one that she had seen, but she did not recall the
sight.
These
specific details – that Marina said she had seen a rifle that was
dark and scopeless – were confirmed in an affidavit (signed by
Marina and Mamantov, 24 WH 219) that was taken by DPD officer B.L.
Senkel (24 WH 249). They were confirmed again by Ruth Paine, who
witnessed the Mamantov interview, (3 WH 82). They were confirmed
again the next night in an interview of Marina by the Secret Service,
translated by Mamantov’s close friend Peter Gregory. But a Secret
Service transcript of the interview reveals that the source of these
details was Gregory, not Marina:
(Q)
This gun, was it a rifle or a pistol or just what kind of a gun? Can
she answer that?
(A)
It was a gun
Mr.
Gregory asked: Can you describe it?
NOTE:
Subject said: I cannot describe it because a rifle to me like all
rifles.
Gregory
translation: She said she cannot describe it. It was sort of
a dark rifle just like any other common rifle…
Subject
in Russian: It was a hump (or elevation) but I never saw through the
scope….
Gregory
translation: She says there was an elevation on the rifle but
there was no scope – no telescope.
We
have to conclude not just that Gregory had falsified Marina’s
testimony (“a rifle to me like all rifles”); but so probably had
his friend Mamantov, who later testified no less than seven times to
the Warren Commission that Marina had used the word “dark” to
describe the gun. There were others in Dallas who claimed that
Oswald’s gun indeed had been scopeless, until Oswald had a scope
installed on it by Dallas gunsmith Dial Ryder. The
Warren Report elaborately refuted this corroborated claim, and
concluded that “the authenticity of the repair tag” used to
support it was “subject to grave doubts.” (WR 317).
We
can see here, what the Warren Commission did not wish to see, signs
of a conspiracy to misrepresent Marina’s testimony, and possibly to
link Oswald’s gun to a dark and scopeless rifle he had in the
Soviet Union. Our
concerns that Mamantov misrepresented her lead us to concerns about
why two Army Intelligence Reserve officers from the 488thunit (Jack
Crichton and Deputy DPD Chief George Lumpkin) selected Mamantov as
her interpreter. Our concerns are increased when we see that
B.L. Senkel, the DPD officer who took Marina’s suspect affidavit,
was the partner of F.P. Turner, who collected the dubious rifle
repair tag (24 WH 328), and that both men spent most of November 22
with DPD Deputy Chief Lumpkin. For example, they were with Lumpkin in
the pilot car of the motorcade when Lumpkin was communicating with
Winston Lawson in the lead car behind them.
I
conclude that when we look at the conduct of the two men we know to
have been parts of the COG emergency communications network in
Dallas, we see
patterns of sinister behavior that also involved others, or what we
may call conspiratorial behavior. These
concatenated efforts to implicate Oswald in a phase-one conspiracy
narrative lead me to propose a hypothesis for which I have neither
evidence nor an alternative explanation: namely, that someone on the
WHCA network may have been the source for the important unexplained
description on the Dallas Police tapes of a suspect who had exactly
the false height and weight (5 feet 10 inches, 165 pounds) recorded
for Oswald in his FBI and CIA files.
Note
that there are no other known sources ascribing this specific height
and weight to Oswald. For example, when he was arrested and charged
in Dallas that same day, Oswald was recorded as having a height of
5’9 ½ inches, and a weight of 131 pounds. The first reference
to Oswald as 5’10”, 165 pounds, was that offered by Oswald’s
mother Marguerite to FBI Agent Fain in May 1960, when Oswald himself
was absent in Russia.
The
DPD officer contributing the description on the Police Channel was
Inspector Herbert Sawyer, who allegedly had heard it from someone
outside the Texas School Book Depository (TSBD) whom he could not
identify or describe. The Warren Report said categorically that his
source was Howard Brennan (WR 5), and that on the evening of November
22, Brennan “identified Oswald as the person in the lineup who bore
the closest resemblance to the man in the window but he said that he
was unable to make a positive identification” (WR 145). But there
are many reasons to doubt this, starting with conflicts in Brennan’s
own testimony (as Anthony Summers reported in Conspiracy, pp.
109-10) . And Ian Griggs has made a strong case that Brennan never
saw Oswald in a line-up that evening. (There are police records
placing Oswald in three line-ups that day, and corroborating witness
reports of them; but there is no evidence whatever that Brennan
attended any of the three.)
There
is another strong reason to doubt that the source was Brennan.
Brennan testified later to the Warren Commission that he saw his
suspect in a window of the Texas School Book Depository, “standing
up and leaning against the left window sill.” Pressed to describe
how much of the suspect he saw, Brennan answered, “I could see
probably his whole body, from his hips up. But at the time that he
was firing the gun, a possibility from his belt up” (3 WH 144).
The
awkwardness of Brennan’s language draws attention to the
fundamental problem about the description. It is hard to imagine
anyone giving a full height and weight estimate from seeing someone
who was only partially visible in a window. So there are intrinsic
grounds for believing the description must have come from another
source. And when we see that the same description is found in
Oswald’s FBI and CIA files — and nowhere else – there are
reasons to suspect the source was from government secret files.
We
have seen that there was interaction in Dallas between the WHCA and
DPD radio channels, thanks to the WHCA portable radio that Lawson had
installed in the lead car of the presidential motorcade. This
radio in turn was in contact by police radio with the pilot car ahead
of it, carrying Dallas Police Department (DPD) Deputy Chief Lumpkin
of the 488th Army Intelligence Reserve unit. At the same time,
as noted above, it was in contact with the COG nerve center at Mount
Weather, Virginia. And Mount Weather had the requisite secret
communications to receive information from classified intelligence
files, without other parts of the government being alerted.
Permit
me at this moment an instructive digression. It is by now well
established that Kennedy in 1963 was concerned enough by “the
threat of far-right treason” that he urgently persuaded Hollywood
director John Frankenheimer “to turn [the novel] Seven Days in
May into a movie.” In this book, to quote Wikipedia,
a charismatic superior officer, Air Force General James Mattoon
Scott, intend[s] to stage a coup d’état …. According to the
plan, an undisclosed Army combat unit known as ECOMCON (Emergency
COMmunications CONtrol) will seize control of the country’s
telephone, radio, and television networks, while the conspiracy
directs the military and its allies in Congress and the media from
“Mount Thunder” (a continuity of government base based on Mount
Weather).
It
is no secret also that in 1963 Kennedy had aroused major right-wing
dissatisfaction, largely because of signs of his increasing
rapprochement with the Soviet Union. The plot of the book and movie
reflects the concern of liberals at the time about generals like
General Edwin Walker, who had resigned in 1961 after Kennedy
criticized his political activities in the Army. (Walker had given
his troops John Birch Society literature, along with the names of
right-wing candidates to vote for.) We can assume however that
Kennedy had no firm evidence of a Mount Weather conspiracy: if he
had, it is unlikely his response would have just been to sponsor a
fictionalized movie.
It
is important at this stage to point out that, although COG elements
like Mount Weather were considered part of the Pentagon, the COG
“government in waiting” was at no time under military control. On
the contrary, President Eisenhower had ensured that it was broadly
based at the top, so its planners included some of the nation’s top
corporate leaders, like Frank Stanton of CBS. By all accounts of COG
leadership in the decades after Reagan took office in 1981, this
so-called “shadow government” still included CEOs of private
corporations, like Donald Rumsfeld and Dick Cheney, as well as three
former CIA directors: Richard Helms, James Schlesinger, and
George Bush.
Alfonso
Chardy wrote in 1987 that the “virtual parallel government”
empowering North to run Iran-Contra had also developed “a
secret contingency plan that called for suspension of the
Constitution, turning control of the United States over to FEMA.”
Subsequently
North was questioned in the Iran-Contra Hearings about this charge,
but was prevented by the Committee Chairman, Democratic Senator
Inouye, from answering in a public session.
Later,
investigating the powerful COG planning group, CNN called it “a
hidden government [in the USA] about which you know nothing.” James
Mann emphasized its hawkish continuity, unaffected by changes of
presidency in the White House:
Cheney
and Rumsfeld were, in a sense, a part of the permanent, though
hidden, national security apparatus of the United States, inhabitants
of a world in which Presidents come and go, but America always keeps
on fighting.”
Going
one step further, Andrew Cockburn quoted a Pentagon source to support
a claim that a COG planning group under Clinton was now for the first
time staffed “almost exclusively with Republican hawks.” In the
words of his source, “You could say this was a secret
government-in-waiting. The Clinton administration was extraordinarily
inattentive, [they had] no idea what was going on.”
The
Pentagon official’s description of COG planners as a “secret
government-in-waiting” under Clinton (which still included both
Cheney and Rumsfeld) is very close to the standard definition of a
cabal, as a group of persons secretly united to bring about a change
or overthrow of government. A very similar situation existed under
Jimmy Carter, when some of those who would later figure in
Iran-Contra (notably George H.W. Bush and Theodore Shackley) worked
with chiefs of foreign intelligence services (the so-called Safari
Club) “to start working with [former DCI Richard] Helms [then U.S.
Ambassador to Iran] and his most trusted operatives outside of
Congressional and even Agency purview.” This group began by
backing guerrilla forces in Africa (notably UNITA of Jonas Savimbi in
Angola), which they knew would not be backed by the CIA under William
Colby or Stansfield Turner.
But
some of these figures, notably Alexandre de Marenches of the French
spy agency SDECE, became involved with Casey, Bush, Shackley, and
others in a 1980 plot – the so-called Republican “October
Surprise” – to prevent the reelection of Jimmy Carter. The
essence of this plot was to frustrate Carter’s efforts to
repatriate the hostages seized in the U.S. Tehran Embassy, by
negotiating a Republican deal with the Iranians that would be more to
their liking. (The hostages in fact were returned hours after Reagan
took office in 1981.)
This
Republican hostage plot in 1980 deserves to be counted as a fifth
structural deep event in recent US history. Unquestionably the
illicit contacts with Iran established by the October Surprise Group
in 1980 became, as Alfonso Chardy wrote, the “genesis” of the
Iran-Contra arms deals overseen by the COG/ Mount Weather planners in
1984-86.
In
an important interview with journalist Robert Parry, the veteran CIA
officer Miles Copeland claimed that a “CIA within the CIA”
inspired the 1980 plot, having concluded by 1980 that Jimmy Carter
(in Copeland’s words) “had to be removed from the presidency for
the good of the country.” Copeland made it clear to Parry that
he shared this view that Carter “represented a grave threat to the
nation,” and former Mossad agent Ari Ben-Menashe told Parry that
Copeland himself was in fact “the conceptual father” of the 1980
arms-for-hostages deal, and had “brokered [the] Republican
cooperation with Israel.” And Copeland, together with his
client Adnan Khashoggi whom he advised, went on with Shackley to help
launch the 1984-85 Iranian arms deals as well.
However,
just as Knebel in Seven Days may have overestimated the
military component in the COG Mount Weather leadership, so
Copeland may have dwelt too exclusively on the CIA component behind
the October Surprise Group. In The Road to 9/11, I suggested
that this CIA network overlapped with a so-called “Project Alpha,”
working at the time for David Rockefeller and the Chase Manhattan
Bank on Iran issues, which was chaired by the veteran establishment
figure John J. McCloy.
I
will conclude by again quoting James Mann’s dictum that the Mount
Weather COG leadership constitutes a “permanent, though hidden,
national security apparatus of the United States, … a world in
which Presidents come and go, but America always keeps on
fighting.” And I would like this audience to investigate
whether elements of this enduring leadership, with its ever-changing
mix of CIA veterans and civilian leaders, may have constituted “a
secret government-in-waiting,” not just under Clinton in the 1990s,
not just under Carter in 1980, but also under Kennedy in November
1963.
Footnotes:
[1]
Peter Dale Scott, The American Deep State: Wall Street, Big Oil,
and the Attack on U.S. Democracy (Lanham, MD: Rowman &
Littlefield, 2014 [forthcoming]). 1.
[2]
For a partial list of anomalies between the JFK assassination and
9/11, see Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy: JFK, 9/11, and
the Deep Politics of War (New York: Skyhorse, 2013), 341-96.
[3]
Tim Shorrock, Spies for Hire (New York: Simon &
Schuster, 2008), 6.
[4]
Alfonso Chardy, “Reagan Aides and the Secret Government,” Miami
Herald, July 5,
1987, http://bellaciao.org/en/article.php3?id_article=9877:
“Some of President Reagan’s top advisers have operated a virtual
parallel government outside the traditional Cabinet departments and
agencies almost from the day Reagan took office, congressional
investigators and administration officials have concluded.”
[5]
Iran-Contra Committee Counsel Arthur Liman, questioning Oliver North,
“had North repeat his testimony that the diversion was Casey’s
idea” (Arthur Liman, Lawyer: a life of counsel and
controversy [New York: Public Affairs, 1998], 341).
[6]
James Bamford, A Pretext for War: 9/11, Iraq, and the abuse of
America’s intelligence agencies (New York: Doubleday, 2004),
72.
[7]
Peter Dale Scott, The Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the
Future of America(Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007),
213-14, 219-29.
[8]
Bamford, A Pretext for War, 71-81.
[9]
Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, All the President’s Men (New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1974), 23.
[10]
Jim Hougan, Secret Agenda (New York: Random House, 1984),
16. For more on WISP, see David Wise, The Politics of Lying:
Government Deception, Secrecy, and Power(New York: Random House,
1973), 134-37.
[11]
John Dean, Worse Than Watergate: The Secret Presidency of George
W. Bush (New York: Little Brown, 2004), 120. In addition Howard
Baker, in 1973 the ranking Republican member of the Senate Committee
that investigated Watergate, was later part of the COG secret
leadership (CNN Special Assignment, November 17, 1991).
[12]
James Mann, Rise of the Vulcans: The History of Bush’s War
Cabinet (New York: Viking, 2004), 142.
[13]
Warren Commission Hearings, Vol. 9, p.106 (or 9 WH 106) ; Scott, Deep
Politics, 275-76; Russ Baker, Family of Secrets: The Bush
Dynasty, the Powerful Forces That Put It in the White House, and What
Their Influence Means for America (New York: Bloomsbury Press,
2009), 119-22.
[14]
“White House Communications Agency,” Signal Corps Regimental
History,http://signal150.army.mil/white_house_communications_agency.html.
[15]
In the 1990s the WHCA supplied statements to the ARRB concerning
communications between Dallas and Washington on November 22 (NARA
#172-10001-10002 to NARA #172-10000-10008). The Assassination
Records Review Board also attempted to obtain from the WHCA the
unedited original tapes of conversations from Air Force One on the
return trip from Dallas, November 22, 1963. (Edited and condensed
versions of these tapes had been available since the 1970s from the
Lyndon Baines Johnson Library in Austin, Texas.) The attempt was
unsuccessful: “The Review Board’s repeated written and oral
inquiries of the White House Communications Agency did not bear
fruit. The WHCA could not produce any records that illuminated the
provenance of the edited tapes.” See Assassinations Records
Review Board: Final Report, chapter 6, Part 1,
116, http://www.archives.gov/research/jfk/review-board/report/chapter-06-part1.pdf.
[16]
17 WH 394-95, 23 WH 841; 17 WH 368, 395; Scott, Deep Politics
and the Death of JFK, 273-74, 278. The alleged epileptic walked away
from the ambulance after it arrived at Highland (Warren Commission
Document 1245, 6-10).
[17]
Statement of Special Agent Winston E. Lawson [to Secret Service],”
17 WH 632; Scott,Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, 278.
[18]
Richard Pollock, “The Mysterious Mountain,” The Progressive,
March, 1976; cf. “Mount Weather’s
‘Government-in-Waiting,’”http://www.serendipity.li/jsmill/mt_weather.htm.
[19]
Russ Baker, Family of Secrets, 121.
[20]
Dee Garrison , Bracing for Armageddon: Why Civil Defense Never
Worked
(New
York: Oxford University Press, 2006), 46.
[21]
Warren Commission Exhibit 1778, 23 WH 383-84.
[22]
Commission Document 344 – SS Howard Tape Copy of 01 Dec 1963, p.
23.
[23]
Lee Harvey Oswald fingerprint card, 17 WH 308. The heaviest Oswald
actually weighed was 150 pounds, when he left the Marines in 1959 (19
WH 584, 595).
[24]
FBI report by Special Agent Fain, dated May 12, 1960, 17 WH 706. In
the same report Marguerite named Oswald’s father as “Edward Lee
Oswald.” His actual name was Robert Edward Lee Oswald (WR 669-70).
[25]
Testimony of Inspector Herbert Sawyer, 6 WH 321-22: “I
remember that he was a white man and that he wasn’t young and he
wasn’t old.” Cf. Dallas Police Channel Two Tape at 12:25 PM (23
WH 916).
[26]
Ian Griggs, “Did Howard Leslie Brennan Really Attend an
Identification Lineup?”
http://spot.acorn.net/jfkplace/09/fp.back_issues/28th_Issue/id_draft.html.
[27]
Statement of Secret Service Winston Lawson, 17 WH 630: “I checked
with Chief Curry as to location of Lead Car [at Love Field] and
had WHCA portable radio put in and checked.”
[28]
“The lead car was in radio contact with the pilot car by police
radio, and with the Presidential limousine by Secret Service portable
radios” (Pamela McElwain-Brown, “The Presidential Lincoln
Continental SS-100-X,” Dealey Plaza Echo, Volume 3, Issue 2,
23,http://www.maryferrell.org/mffweb/archive/viewer/showDoc.do?docId=16241&relPageId=27).
Cf. Scott, Deep Politics and the Death of JFK, 272-75 (Lumpkin).
[29]
David Talbot, Brothers: the hidden history of the Kennedy
years (New York: Free Press, 2007), 148.
[30] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Seven_Days_in_May.
[31]
Jonathan M. Schoenwald, A time for choosing: the rise of modern
American conservatism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), .
[32]
Hope Yen, “Eisenhower Letters Reveal Doomsday Plan: Citizens Tapped
to Take Over in Case of Attack,” AP, Deseret News, March 21,
2004,http://www.deseretnews.com/article/595050502/Eisenhower-letters-reveal-doomsday-plan.html?pg=all.
[33]
CNN Special Assignment, November 17, 1991.
[34]
Alfonso Chardy, “Reagan Aides and the Secret Government,” Miami
Herald, July 5,
1987, http://bellaciao.org/en/article.php3?id_article=9877:
“Some of President Reagan’s top advisers have operated a virtual
parallel government outside the traditional Cabinet departments and
agencies almost from the day Reagan took office, congressional
investigators and administration officials have concluded.”
[35]
Iran-Contra Committee Counsel Arthur Liman, questioning Oliver North,
“had North repeat his testimony that the diversion was Casey’s
idea” (Arthur Liman, Lawyer: a life of counsel and
controversy [New York: Public Affairs, 1998], 341). Cf. The
“October Surprise” allegations and the circumstances surrounding
the release of the American hostages held in Iran: report of the
Special Counsel to Senator Terry Sanford and Senator James M.
Jeffords of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate,
Volume 4, p. 33 (October Surprise Group).
[36]
CNN Special Assignment, November 17, 1991.
[37]
James Mann, Rise of the Vulcans, 145.
[38]
Andrew Cockburn, Rumsfeld: His Rise, Fall, and Catastrophic
Legacy (New York: Scribner, 2007), 88.
[39]
Joseph J. Trento, Prelude to terror: the rogue CIA and the
legacy of America’s private intelligence network (New York:
Carroll & Graf, 2005), 61.
[40]
Piero Gleijeses, Visions of Freedom: Havana, Washington,
Pretoria and the struggle for Southern Africa, 1976-1991 (Chapel
Hill: The University of North Carolina Press, [2013]), 66-68; Elaine
Windrich, “The Laboratory of Hate: The Role of Clandestine Radio in
the Angolan War,” International Journal of Cultural
Studies 3(2), 2000.
[41]
Alfonso Chardy, “Reagan Aides and the Secret Government,” Miami
Herald, July 5,
1987, http://bellaciao.org/en/article.php3?id_article=9877: “The
group, led by campaign foreign policy adviser Richard Allen, was
founded out of concern Carter might pull off an “October surprise”
such as a last-minute deal for the release of the hostages before the
Nov. 4 election. One of the group’s first acts was a meeting with a
man claiming to represent Iran who offered to release the hostages to
Reagan.
Allen
— Reagan’s first national security adviser— and another
campaign aide, Laurence Silberman, told The Herald in April of the
meeting. they said McFarlane, then a Senate Armed Services Committee
aide, arranged and attended it. McFarlane later became Reagan’s
national security adviser and played a key role in the Iran-contra
affair. Allen and Silberman said they rejected the offer to release
the hostages to Reagan.” [The Iranian was Houshang Lavi, and after
Lavi’s death Robert Parry confirmed from Lavi’s diary that the
meeting did take place].
[42]
Alfonso Chardy, “Reagan Aides and the Secret Government,” Miami
Herald, July 5,
1987, http://bellaciao.org/en/article.php3?id_article=9877.
[43]
“America’s False History Allows the Powerful to Commit Crimes
Without Consequence,” Mark Karlin Interview of Robert Parry,
January 15, 2013, Truthout
Interview, http://www.truth-out.org/progressivepicks/item/13904-americas-false-history-allows-the-powerful-to-commit-crimes-without-consequence.
[44]
Robert Parry, Trick or Treason, 175.
[45]
Peter Dale Scott, The Road to 9/11: Wealth, Empire, and the
Future of America
(Berkeley:
University of California Press, 2007), 81-83, 88. A key figure was
CIA veteran and Copeland friend Archibald Roosevelt, in 1980 a Carter
foe and also employee of the Chase Manhattan Bank.
[46]
Mann, Rise of the Vulcans, 145.
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