Saturday, December 23, 2017

Blockchain Will Power Australia’s Biggest Stock Exchange

 
 
 
 All of the major technologies are typically adopted by an exchange somewhere first.  This is Block Chain's coming of age.

The big problem now is superior hardware technology as simple failures may cause losses as we can see from random stories of chaps tossing out a computer along with a key bill fold.  Part of our hardware is the human being himself.  All this before we deal with the risk of an EMP shock that knocks down the global network.

It has really happened fast and the whole world of contract management will be impacted inside the next decade.
 
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World First: Blockchain Will Power Australia’s Biggest Stock Exchange

The world’s most profitable exchange is switching over to blockchain technology.

Samburaj Das on 07/12/2017

https://www.cryptocoinsnews.com/world-first-blockchain-will-power-australias-biggest-stock-exchange/

The Australian Securities Exchange (ASX) has confirmed that blockchain technology will replace its existing clearing and settlement system, becoming the world’s first major stock exchange to do so.

After over two years of real-world testing with multiple proofs of concept and prototypes, the ASX will become the first major securities exchange in the world to implement blockchain technology to its post-trade infrastructure – a core process. The permissioned blockchain, developed by New York-based industry startup Digital Asset, will replace the exchange’s current Clearing House Electronic Subregister System (CHESS).

The decision, ASX announced [PDF] today, comes after ‘the successful build of [an] enterprise-ready’ blockchain software that was put to ‘extensive suitability testing’ over a two-year period to meet the ‘functional, capacity, security and resilience capabilities’ expected by Australia’s biggest stock exchange. “We’ve given over 80 DLT system demonstrations to more than 500 attendees, and conducted over 60 CHESS replacement workshops for more than 100 organisations from the global financial services industry,” revealed ASX deputy CEO Peter Hiom.

Further, the exchange operator also revealed that the blockchain software successfully passed two independent security audits by third-party reviewers.

ASX managing director and CEO Dominic Stevens said:


ASX has been carefully examining distributed ledger technology for almost two-and-a-half years…Having completed this work, we believe that using DLT to replace CHESS will enable our customers to develop new services and reduce their costs, and it will put Australia at the forefront of innovation in financial markets. While we have a lot more work still to do, today’s announcement is a major milestone on that journey.

In late 2015, ASX managing director Elmer Funke Kupper claimed the adoption of blockchain tech was a “once in a 20-year opportunity” to embrace digitization and curb the costs, timescales and complexities of the existing CHESS platform. Come January 2016, the ASX paid AUD14.9 million for a 5% equity stake in blockchain-startup Digital Asset Holdings, the latter which went on to develop ASX’s newly adopted blockchain solution.

The plan to implement blockchain tech reportedly met some friction through the trial phase from shareholders to maintain high-profit margins and dividend payouts. ASX has become the world’s most profitable major stock exchange this year, with a profit margin of 77%, ahead of the Hong Kong Exchange with a forecasted 71%.

However, the ASX’s announcement to adopt the decentralized technology is a significant endorsement of blockchain tech, which will make transactions cheaper, efficient and significantly faster without the need for a middleman.

Digital Asset CEO Blythe Masters added:

“After so much hype surrounding distributed ledger technology, today’s announcement delivers the first meaningful proof that the technology can live up to its potential. Together, DA and our client ASX have shown that the technology not only works, but can meet the requirements of mission critical financial infrastructure

Chocolate intake and risk of clinically apparent atrial fibrillation




The take home is that having chocolate as a continuing component in the diet  suppresses heart flutter and arterial fibrilation.  The consumption problem is that it is typically mixed  with sugar.  For the past year, i have been shaking chocalate into my tea and this works well.


Choco originally was consumed with scant sugar and effectively hot sauce in aztec times.  So w have a lot to learn regarding the use of choco in foodstuffs.


The data is building up for choco and it is medicaly postive..


Chocolate intake and risk of clinically apparent atrial fibrillation: the Danish Diet, Cancer, and Health Study

http://heart.bmj.com/content/103/15/1163?

Elizabeth Mostofsky1,2,
Martin Berg Johansen3,4,
Anne Tjønneland5,
Harpreet S Chahal6,
Murray A Mittleman1,2,
Kim Overvad3,7


Discussion

Conclusions
Key messages
What is already known on this subject?
What might this study add?
How might this impact on clinical practice?


Objective To evaluate the association between chocolate intake and incident clinically apparent atrial fibrillation or flutter (AF).

Methods The Danish Diet, Cancer, and Health Study is a large population-based prospective cohort study. The present study is based on 55 502 participants (26 400 men and 29 102 women) aged 50–64 years who had provided information on chocolate intake at baseline. Incident cases of AF were ascertained by linkage with nationwide registries.

Results During a median of 13.5 years there were 3346 cases of AF. Compared with chocolate intake less than once per month, the rate of AF was lower for people consuming 1–3 servings/month (hazard ratio (HR) 0.90, 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.82 to 0.98), 1 serving/week (HR 0.83, 95% CI 0.74 to 0.92), 2–6 servings/week (HR 0.80, 95% CI 0.71 to 0.91) and ≥1 servings/day (HR 0.84, 95% CI 0.65 to 1.09; p-linear trend <0 .0001="" and="" for="" men="" p="" results="" similar="" with="" women.="">

Conclusions Accumulating evidence indicates that moderate chocolate intake may be inversely associated with AF risk, although residual confounding cannot be ruled out.


Atrial fibrillation (AF) is the most common arrhythmia in clinical practice, affecting 2.7–6.1 million people in the USA and 8.8 million in the European Union.1 AF is associated with a higher risk of stroke, heart failure, cognitive decline, dementia and mortality,2 so identifying methods for preventing and identifying effective treatments for AF is of great public health importance.

Moderate consumption of cocoa and cocoa-containing foods may promote cardiovascular health due to their high content of flavanols, a subgroup of polyphenols with vasodilatory, antioxidant and anti-inflammatory benefits.3 ,4 There has been extensive research showing that moderate consumption of chocolate, particularly dark chocolate, improves markers of cardiovascular health5 and is associated with a lower rate of myocardial infarction,6 heart failure,7 ,8 composite cardiovascular adverse outcome and cardiovascular mortality.9 However, there is limited research on whether chocolate intake is associated with a lower rate of AF.

Recent evidence suggests that the pathophysiology of AF involves an inflammatory cascade resulting in a release of cytokines, reactive oxygen species and stimulation of fibroblast proliferation, differentiation and activation.10 Higher levels of inflammation may result in endothelial damage, increased platelet activation and increased expression of fibrinogen that leads to electrical and structural remodelling of atrial tissue and thereby increase AF risk.11 Therefore, we hypothesised that the anti-inflammatory and antiplatelet benefits of cocoa may be associated with a lower rate of AF.

We aimed to evaluate whether there is an association between chocolate intake and the rate of clinically apparent AF after adjusting for relevant confounders in a large prospective cohort study of men and women enrolled in the Danish Diet, Cancer, and Health Study.

Between December 1993 and May 1997, the prospective Danish Diet, Cancer, and Health Study invited 160 725 individuals to participate. Inclusion criteria were 50–64 years of age, residence in the greater Copenhagen or Aarhus area and no previous cancer diagnosis in the Danish National Patient Register. At enrolment, anthropometric measurements were taken and biological materials were collected at one of the study centres; information on diet and lifestyle was obtained using self-administered questionnaires including a semiquantitative food frequency questionnaire (FFQ). Using the unique personal identification number (CPR number), we linked the cohort to the Danish National Patient Register to identify primary discharge diagnoses for AF or flutter (International Classification of Diseases, 10th Revision: I48) through December 2009. The study was approved by the regional Ethical Committees on Human Studies (jr.nr. (KF) 11–037/01) and (jr.nr. (KF) 01–045/93) and the Danish Data Protection Agency. All participants gave verbal and written informed consent.

At baseline, participants completed a 192-item FFQ that was validated against two 7-day weighed diet records.12 ,13 Average intake of each food item during the last 12 months was reported in 10 categories from ‘never’ to ‘4–5 per day’. For each participant, average daily intake was calculated using the Food Calc software V.1.3 (J Lauritsen, University of Copenhagen; http://www.ibt.ku.dk/jesper/foodcalc/). Standard recipes and sex-specific portion sizes were applied to calculate intake in grams per day by using data from the 1995 Danish National Dietary Survey, 24-hour diet recall interviews from 3818 of the study participants14 and several cookbooks. A serving of chocolate was defined as 1 ounce, consistent with the results of a validation study15 that showed that the approximate serving size of chocolate in Swedish men is 30 g chocolate. The questionnaire did not differentiate between milk and dark chocolate, but most chocolate consumed in Denmark has a minimum of 30% cocoa solids.16

All citizens of Denmark have a unique personal identification number that is used in all national registries, and updated information is available on emigration, hospitalisations and death. The Danish National Patient Register includes discharge diagnoses from in-hospital patients since 1977 and additional discharge diagnoses from emergency rooms and outpatient visits since 1995.

The outcome in this study was incident clinically apparent AF and/or atrial flutter (AFL) during the study period. Diagnoses were recorded using the Eighth International Classification of Diseases (ICD-8) until the end of 1993 (AF (427.93) and AFL (427.94) in the Danish version which is equivalent to AF or AFL (427.4) in the international version). From January 1994, the ICD-10 classification was used with the diagnosis of AF and/or AFL (I.48). The validity of the combined diagnosis of AF and/or AFL is high, with a positive predictive value of 92.6% in this cohort.17 If a patient had both an emergency room visit and a hospital admission on the same date, only the in-hospital diagnosis was considered in order to avoid possible misclassification. In line with previous observational studies, the combined diagnosis of ‘AF and/or AFL’ was referred to as AF.

We obtained information on demographics and lifestyle factors using a self-administered questionnaire. Body mass index (BMI), blood pressure and total cholesterol were measured by a laboratory technician at the time of recruitment.18 We used self-reports, ICD codes and Anatomical Therapeutic Chemical (ATC) drug codes to obtain information on prevalent and incident hypertension, diabetes mellitus and cardiovascular disease (yes/no).19

Individuals were considered at risk from the date of the study questionnaire (1993–1997) until the date of first hospital admission for AF, death, emigration or end of follow-up (December 2009), whichever came first. Consistent with prior studies on chocolate intake and AF, we modelled chocolate intake using the following categories of servings of 1 ounce bars or packets of chocolate: <1 1="" 2="" 95="" a="" af.="" age="" allowed="" and="" as="" association="" baseline="" between="" by="" calculate="" chocolate="" chose="" class="xref-bibr" confidence="" constructed="" covariates="" cox="" day.="" for="" hazard="" hazards="" href="http://heart.bmj.com/content/103/15/1163?utm_source=facebook&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=heart&utm_content=heart_q4_chocolate&utm_term=americas#ref-20" id="xref-ref-20-1" intake="" intervals="" models="" month="" multivariable="" of="" priori="" proportional="" rate="" ratio="" s="" scale="" sex="" the="" time="" to="" vary="" we="" week="" with="">20
<1 1="" 2="" 95="" a="" af.="" age="" allowed="" and="" as="" association="" baseline="" between="" by="" calculate="" chocolate="" chose="" class="xref-bibr" confidence="" constructed="" covariates="" cox="" day.="" for="" hazard="" hazards="" href="http://heart.bmj.com/content/103/15/1163?utm_source=facebook&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=heart&utm_content=heart_q4_chocolate&utm_term=americas#ref-20" intake="" intervals="" models="" month="" multivariable="" of="" priori="" proportional="" rate="" ratio="" s="" scale="" sex="" the="" time="" to="" vary="" we="" week="" with="">
that we considered potential confounders on the basis of their association with development of AF: from the baseline data we included information on sex, BMI (kg/m2), systolic blood pressure (mm Hg), total serum cholesterol (continuous), total calories (continuous), coffee consumption (continuous), alcohol consumption (g/day), smoking status (never, former, current) and years of education beyond elementary school (0,<3 3="">4 years). We used regularly updated information on hypertension (yes/no), diabetes mellitus (yes/no) and cardiovascular disease (yes/no) using time-varying covariates. Because there was no gradient in caffeine across categories of chocolate intake and it may be a consequence of chocolate intake, we did not include caffeine consumption as a covariate. We conducted tests of the linear component of trend for increasing categories of chocolate intake by assigning the median values for each category and testing the statistical significance of the term in the multivariable model.
<3 3="">
To test the robustness of the model, we examined whether the HRs varied by sex, history of hypertension, diabetes or cardiovascular disease by conducting likelihood ratio tests to compare models with versus without cross-product terms for categories of exposure and the potential modifier. We constructed a multivariable model further adjusted for caffeine from sources other than chocolate (coffee, tea and soft drinks) instead of adjusting for coffee consumption. Since unrecognised illness may influence chocolate consumption at baseline, we conducted a sensitivity analysis excluding the first 2 years or 5 years of follow-up.

We tested the proportional hazard assumptions using Schoenfeld residuals and interactions with the logarithm of time, and we found no significant violations after allowing the baseline hazard to vary by sex. Statistical analyses were performed using Stata V.13 (Stata Corp, College Station, Texas, USA) with two-tailed tests set at α=0.05 for statistical significance.

Among the 57 053 women and men recruited, we excluded participants for whom information was missing on chocolate intake (n=16), inclusion date (n=42) or one or more confounders (n=477). In addition, we excluded one participant with no FFQ, 451 participants with a previous record of AF in the Danish Registry and 564 participants who had a history of cancer at baseline (the primary outcome of the original cohort study). This resulted in a sample of 55 502 participants for these analyses. In total, 3346 incident cases of AF occurred during a median of 13.5 years of follow-up. Overall, 36% of the sample were current smokers at baseline. Participants with higher levels of chocolate intake were more likely to report higher levels of daily caloric intake, a higher proportion of calories from chocolate and a higher level of educational attainment (table 1).

Table 1
Baseline characteristics of the subjects in the Danish Diet, Cancer, and Health Study according to frequency of chocolate intake

Compared with chocolate intake of less than once per month, the rate of AF was lower for people consuming 1–3 servings/month (HR 0.90, 95% CI 0.82 to 0.98), 1 serving/week (HR 0.83, 95% CI 0.74 to 0.92), 2–6 servings/week (HR 0.80, 95% CI 0.71 to 0.91) and ≥1 servings/day (HR 0.84, 95% CI 0.65 to 1.09; p-linear trend <0 .0001="" a="" class="xref-fig" href="http://heart.bmj.com/content/103/15/1163?utm_source=facebook&utm_medium=social&utm_campaign=heart&utm_content=heart_q4_chocolate&utm_term=americas#F1" id="xref-fig-1-1">figure 1
).


Figure 1
Figure 1


Multivariable hazard ratios (HRs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) according to frequency of chocolate intake in the Danish Diet, Cancer, and Health Study.

p trend is the value for linear component of trend.

Age was the time scale in the Cox models and we adjusted for total calories, sex, BMI, systolic blood pressure (mm Hg), total serum cholesterol (continuous), coffee consumption (continuous), alcohol consumption (g/day), smoking status (never, former, current), years of education beyond elementary school (0, <3 3="">4 years), hypertension (yes/no), diabetes mellitus (yes/no) and cardiovascular disease (yes/no).
<3 3="">
In analyses stratified by sex, the incidence rate of AF was lower among women than men at each level of chocolate intake, but the lower risk of AF with higher levels of chocolate intake was apparent for both men (p-linear trend=0.002) and women (p-linear trend=0.017) in the multivariable models accounting for several potential confounders (figure 1). Among women, the strongest inverse association was seen for one serving of chocolate per week (HR 0.79, 95% CI 0.66 to 0.95) and, among men, the strongest inverse association was seen for 2–6 servings of chocolate per week (HR 0.77, 95% CI 0.67 to 0.90).

In sensitivity analyses to test the robustness of the model, the results were similar across levels of history of hypertension (p-interaction=0.69) and cardiovascular disease (p-interaction=0.74). Although the results were different for the 284 individuals with diabetes (p-interaction=0.01), this was driven by the small number of individuals with diabetes who reported high levels of chocolate intake. The results were almost identical when we adjusted for caffeine from sources other than chocolate (coffee, tea and soft drinks) instead of adjusting for coffee consumption.

The results were not meaningfully altered in analyses excluding the first 2 or 5 years of follow-up, suggesting that the results are not likely to be due to the potential impact of reverse causation.

In the Danish Diet, Cancer, and Health Study, higher levels of chocolate intake were associated with an 11–20% lower rate of clinically apparent AF among men and women. We adjusted for total caloric intake since, a priori, we anticipated that it would be associated with the risk of AF and may confound the association. Since chocolate only contributes a small proportion of total calories, the results of the model do not imply that higher levels of chocolate intake results in substantially lower intake of other foods.

Two prior prospective cohort studies examined the association between chocolate intake and the rate of AF. Our results are consistent with results from the Women's Health Study which reported that moderate chocolate intake was associated with a 1–14% lower rate of self-reported AF, although the estimates for each category of intake did not reach statistical significance.21 Conversely, results from the Physicians' Health Study of men did not find evidence of an association between chocolate intake and self-reported AF, and the point estimates suggested that higher levels of chocolate intake may be associated with a 4–14% higher rate of self-reported AF, although the results did not reach statistical significance.22 In the current study, the lower rate of AF with higher levels of chocolate intake was apparent for both men and women.

There are several potential sources of heterogeneity across the studies. In this study we identified cases of clinically apparent AF as a primary cause in the National Registry whereas the prior two studies assessed the risk of self-reported AF verified in medical records. Based on the two prior studies, it may appear that the association varies by sex, but the results were similar for men and women enrolled in the Danish Diet, Cancer, and Health Study. It is possible that the accuracy of self-reported chocolate intake or AF symptoms was different for the sample of women recruited from the general population in the Women's Health Study compared with reporting by the physicians enrolled in the Physicians' Health Study, but it is unclear how this would result in a systematic bias. It is also possible that the presence of potential confounding by factors related to chocolate intake and AF risk is different for the two samples, but this too is not clear or verifiable from the available data. Since chocolate in Europe has a higher cocoa content than chocolate in the USA,16 it is possible that our results were stronger than the results of the two US studies due to higher intake of potentially protective components of chocolate per serving.

Recent evidence suggests that an inflammatory cascade resulting in leucocyte activation may lead to generation of reactive oxygen species, proliferation of fibroblasts and adverse turnover in matrix proteins. This may result in electrical and structural atrial remodelling and lead to the incidence of AF. The antioxidant, anti-inflammatory and antiplatelet properties of cocoa may improve endothelial function, lipid levels, blood pressure and insulin resistance23 and decrease fibrosis and downstream electrical and structural remodelling of atrial tissue.10 ,11 In addition, a typical 100 calorie serving of dark chocolate contains 36 mg of magnesium, which has hypotensive and antiarrhythmic effects.24 These properties may explain the lower cardiovascular risk associated with moderate chocolate intake.

The higher flavonoid content of dark chocolate compared with milk chocolate may yield greater cardiovascular benefits. A randomised trial found that, compared with milk chocolate, dark chocolate may have a higher caloric content but it also promotes greater satiety and lowers the desire to eat something sweet, resulting in an overall lower caloric intake.25 In addition, flavanol content and total antioxidant capacity in plasma may be lower if cocoa is consumed with milk or if cocoa is ingested as milk chocolate.26 Furthermore, cocoa is usually consumed in high calorie products that use fat and sugar, and modern manufacturing of chocolate may result in losses of more than 80% of the original flavonoids from the cocoa beans.27 Therefore, it may be advantageous to find ways to consume cocoa in forms other than chocolate bars. The ongoing Cocoa Supplement and Multivitamin Outcomes Study is a large randomised trial testing the effect of a concentrated cocoa extract on cardiovascular risk, and may provide insight on the efficacy and feasibility of ingesting cocoa in this form.

There are some limitations to our study that warrant discussion. Although we had extensive data on diet, lifestyle and comorbidities, we cannot preclude the possibility of residual or unmeasured confounding. For instance, data were not available on renal disease and sleep apnoea. However, after adjusting for age, smoking status and other potential confounders, the association was somewhat attenuated but remained statistically significant. We did not have information on the type of chocolate or cocoa concentration. However, most of the chocolate consumed in Denmark is milk chocolate. In the European Union, milk chocolate must contain a minimum of 30% cocoa solids and dark chocolate must contain a minimum of 43% cocoa solids; the corresponding proportions in the USA are 10% and 35%.16 Despite the fact that most of the chocolate consumed in our sample probably contained relatively low concentrations of the potentially protective ingredients, we still observed a robust statistically significant association, suggesting that our findings may underestimate the protective effects of dark chocolate.

As with any study using self-reported exposure information, there is a concern of poor recall. However, our FFQ was validated in a study comparing two 7-day weighted diet records.13 Furthermore, if the misclassification of chocolate intake was unrelated to AF incidence, our results would likely be an underestimate of the protective effect of chocolate. We have no information on how changes in chocolate consumption may have affected a participant's risk of AF. Chocolate intake and covariate data were only available at baseline and, for most participants, in the fifth year of follow-up and may have changed over the 13.5 years of follow-up, resulting in some non-differential misclassification of exposure which would reduce the power to detect an association. In addition, this study was limited to cases with a diagnosis of AF as a primary cause. We did not have information on cases of silent AF, elective DC cardioversions or AF reported in outpatient clinics and emergency room visits. Therefore, it is likely that we substantially underestimated the overall incidence of AF in the population. However, the restriction to diagnosed incident AF cases should not affect the validity of the current study since the identification of diagnosed symptomatic AF is unlikely to be impacted by levels of habitual chocolate intake. Finally, this study and the prior studies identified in our systematic review were primarily composed of Caucasian participants, and the results may not be generalisable to other populations if the association is modified by genetic factors.

Despite these limitations, our study has many strengths including a large sample size, a prospective population-based design, detailed data on diet and factors potentially related to exposure and outcome, and almost complete follow-up of the study cohort over many years.

Participants with higher levels of chocolate intake had a lower rate of clinically apparent incident AF or flutter. Future research is necessary to confirm this finding and to determine whether high levels of chocolate intake are associated with higher AF risk.
  • Several studies have reported cardiovascular benefits of chocolate intake, but only two studies with discrepant findings have examined the association between chocolate intake and risk of atrial fibrillation (AF).
  • In this large prospective cohort study we found that, compared with individuals reporting chocolate intake less than once per month, the rate of AF was lower for people consuming chocolate regularly, with similar results for men and women.
  • Chocolate intake may be inversely associated with AF risk. Therefore, dark chocolate may be a healthy snack option that helps to prevent the development of AF.

How I Confronted My Own Privilege as a Person of Color

privilege.jpg


An excellent item on the natural invisibility of privilege to those who actually have it.  It is hard to solve a problem when those who can change it and even want to change it cannot see the problem.
 
In my own childhood, our Canadian culture was anti immigrant and because of the recent war anti German.  My father was a Slovak German immigrant in 1927 and learned to tread lightly around all this.  I caught some of this, but born and been raised here to a seventh generation mother, it was easily brushed aside.
 
I did learn early to read school history with a large grain of salt.  There was always a different opposing viewpoint for which i am grateful.  I do not ever remember been naive.
 
Our rural community then was wholly white.  Racial slanders did drift in but rarely and i absorbed the shock of meeting my first Chinese and Black literally in University.  There was zero sense of privilege and none to be dispensed as well.
 
That also i am grateful for. Yet it also meant that as i passed forward in life, it was with a clear sense that my talent would never be thwarted and that has held true. The truth remains that great talent or the one in a thousand will prevail.  The problem is that the top third in talent or the one in three can be thwarted and that is wrong as the future needs all hands on deck..

 
How I Confronted My Own Privilege as a Person of Color


The ongoing discourse over racial injustice in my adopted country has had me thinking of my own upbringing in India.

http://www.yesmagazine.org/peace-justice/how-i-confronted-my-own-privilege-as-a-person-of-color-20171026

Prashant Nema posted Oct 26, 2017


“Frankly, Prashant, if I weren’t an exceptional student, I would have committed suicide long ago.”

Having asked my colleague Tanmay Waghmare to tell me about his background, I was shocked by the above response. He’s not given to exaggeration, and what he says chills me to my bones.

He and I had been chatting in the cafeteria at Microsoft, where we both worked and, from all outward appearances, were just two Indian guys having a lunch. But the differences in our backgrounds are deep, wide, and invidious: I am an upper-caste and Tanmay is Dalit, a member of Indian’s lower caste.

How we got to this point of convergence—as employees of Microsoft—is a tale of deep deprivation and extraordinary strength on Tanmay’s part and privilege and mediocrity on mine. It’s an object lesson in the inequality of endowments and circumstances wrought by India’s caste system that is still widely practiced today.


Indian casteism and U.S racism are twin vessels of oppression in different lands.

How I got to be interested in Tanmay’s story is a lesson in itself. The ongoing discourse over racial injustice in my adopted country has had me thinking of my own upbringing in India. Indian casteism and U.S racism are twin vessels of oppression in different lands. And it has been only through understanding white privilege in this country that I’ve come to recognize my own caste privilege.

That privilege, into which I was born and which has facilitated who I am today came from the same system that stymied Tanmay at every stage of his life, mirroring in even starker terms, the very systems of inequality and injustice that America has been grappling with for generations.

While I had been somewhat engaged on the issue of caste oppression before having lunch that day with Tanmay, our conversation was a wake-up call. It had never occurred to me to look inward at my own privilege and measure it against the experiences of people like him.

Of course, people have heard of caste, a complex system of hereditary and occupation-based segregation that has been an organizing principle of much of the Indian subcontinent for millennia. But few understand both its persistence and its cruelty for the hundreds of millions of people it designates as undesirable.

I was lucky to be born into a family in which almost all members graduated university. Though still beset with traditional gender roles, our family had done well—the adult men found stable jobs that afforded us middle-class luxuries.

In a country still recovering from colonial destitution and characterized by great inequality, this achievement was important. Though my ancestors were largely small-business men and traders, both of my grandfathers found their path in education and assumed professional roles in the growing and newly independent country. By the time my generation came, the basic existential needs of life were taken care of. In that sense, my childhood and adolescence were easy and filled with the joys of privilege.

Tanmay was not so fortunate. As he was caught in the punishing cycle of India’s caste, his birthright was not education and privilege, but hardship and despair. For literally thousands of years, generations of his family were locked into the nasty, thankless profession of skinning dead animals and burning corpses in rural India—the occupation of both his grandfathers by the time of India’s independence from Britain in 1947. Dalits, formerly called untouchables, number some 200 million in today’s India—about 16.6 percent of the population. Their filthy menial jobs, scraping the very bottom of India’s economic barrel, include manual scavengers, janitors, animal rearers, and corpse handlers. The titles of these occupations are actual slur words in the common vernacular. High-caste children weren’t permitted to play with the children of Dalits for reasons of hygiene. The label of impurity granted by religious sanction gave us a scientific term in which to wrap our bigotry and feel good about it.

For most of my childhood, I didn’t think much of caste; I didn’t have to.


This lack of occupational diversity and related deprivation in Tanmay’s community was not simply a matter of happenstance, but the determined product of a carefully planned and enforced system of slavery. Not only was this a synthetic or man-made system, but it was sold to the Indian population as part and parcel of their Hindu religion.

I recall first hearing about caste when I was 8. My mother told me in passing that our last name meant we were “Baniyas,” or members of a particular caste. Though I understood very little, I later learned from Indian mythology that Baniyas were a sub-caste of “Vaishyas,” which implied that we were tradesman by profession. I learned about the other “upper” castes at that time, too—Brahmins and Kshatriyas. Taken as a group, these members of upper castes are called “Savarnas.”

For most of my childhood, I didn’t think much of caste; I didn’t have to. I grew up in an economic and regionally diverse cosmopolitan neighborhood and with what we thought at that time to be a “modern” outlook. I had come to believe with my idealistic naiveté that, despite its power in history, the caste system had lost its strength. Untouchability, in my experience, was only invoked on history exams. Sure, people married within their caste and faced social opprobrium if they sought a partner from outside. But for the most part, as I saw it, the more damning parts of the caste system had dissipated.

India, after all, was a modernizing country with a progressive constitution and a well-developed idea of citizenship. Many learned, and influential people in Indian society shared this position.

How wrong I was. I cannot recall a single Dalit friend or family associate from my childhood. My bookish and idealistic view of caste belied the painful reality on the ground. This blindness stems from privilege, just as theoretical notions of race and racism in the U.S. belie the lived reality of the minorities who suffer. I had little idea of the difference between my idealistic picture and Tanmay’s lived reality.

The system I thought had largely disappeared was simultaneously destroying his aspirations. He was victim to scores of incidents in which he was singled out due to his caste, including by a teacher who, when Tanmay was only 8, declared he was “not even touchable, not to mention teachable.” By contrast, my childhood was filled with clear encouragement from my teachers, peers, and others in my social graph.

While for me caste was a theoretical construct, for Tanmay it was real, present, and inescapable. Not only was he bereft of any amenities, but he was also intimidated by the powerful castes around him. He grew up feeling dejected, helpless, and looked down upon—like an outcast.

For thousands of years, Tanmay’s ancestors were not even allowed in public spaces; in some places, they were not only “untouchable,” but also “unseeable.” Religious texts called for molten lead to be poured into their ears if they tried to educate themselves even by listening. In every corner of the country, Dalits were assaulted and subjugated. With unrelenting harshness and unrelenting predictability, these life-killing practices became part of culture and tradition—accepted by the Savarnas, or simply ignored.


With economic deprivation and other societal obstacles, very few Dalits make it this far in the first place.

Though there were countless uprisings throughout history—and they continue even today—untouchability persists. In fact, there’s evidence that crime against those on the lower rung is on the rise. With the ferment of the independence struggle and the leadership of Dr. B.R Ambedkar—Tanmay’s hero and prime architect of India’s constitution—Dalits did gain some civil rights, including benefits of the world’s largest affirmative action program, called reservations. But as with so many similar situations, these rights were de jure and less commonly de facto.

The particular situation with regard to higher studies further divides Savarnas and Dalits. I myself succumbed to the mainstream propaganda, but not for reasons of contempt or religious fundamentalism. The highly competitive nature of Indian university admissions—coupled with the unremitting narrative of the powerful classes and castes—creates a propagandistic environment in which the systems of affirmative action create even more hatred and divisiveness. While this exists in U.S. colleges and even in the workplace via affirmative action and diversity programs, the scale in India dwarfs what we see in the U.S.

With the system of reservations, the scores required for Dalit students to get into college are lower than for Savarnas. This is exactly how affirmative action should work, of course. It factors in the obstacles Dalits and others face along the way and attempts to balance and correct them with slightly loosened standards for admission. After all, with economic deprivation, unrelenting humiliation, and other societal obstacles, very few Dalits make it this far in the first place.

Unable to manage either economically or survive the harassment society heaps upon them, about three-quarters of Dalit students, I would later learn, drop out before graduating high school.

But for a hard-working young person like myself, with only a bookish understanding of caste, the idea of reservations seemed a blow against equality. If we want true equality, shouldn’t all standards be equal?

With these perceptions of unfairness and with the social baggage we grew up with, university life was characterized by a clear boundary between Savarnas and Dalits. I remember with great regret referring to Dalit students with derogatory terms because of the perceived injustice that my own friends were unable to get into the university while “less-qualified Dalits” were given “an easy route in.”

It’s an indication of great privilege to invoke equality only when it serves oneself and to be blind to struggles for fairness and justice—equality itself—and maintain silence when it serves others.

No doubt there were Dalits from well-to-do families who were able to avail of the reservation system to get in. But what large social system doesn’t have such cases? Savarnas in modern Indian society are overrepresented in all empowering positions in business, government, and education because of the head start they get and are more likely to choose people who belong in their social networks.


Great jobs at companies like Microsoft, are a ticket to riches.

The rich and privileged use “the system” to their advantage every day, but when someone else uses the very system in the very same way, we blanch and invoke morality. In a curious inversion, we declare ourselves victims.

Dalit students, who have fought tooth and nail to get a glimpse of the decent life via education, often are broken; many commit suicide. The media often relate these suicides to the lack of ability to cope with the academic pressure, but from all indications, the vast majority of these suicides are connected to mistreatment and harassment. In fact, this is a known phenomenon called “Death of Merit.”

After understanding this, Tanmay’s invocation of suicide that day at Microsoft made sense to me. That he marched through all the difficulties and is now a successful engineer is amazing and rare. He credits his mother a great deal. She was adamant about educating herself and her children, and he found courage through her strength. The system of reservation gave him the confidence that if he excelled, he’d be able to get into a good institution.

He points out that for many, these great jobs at companies like Microsoft are a ticket to riches. To him, they are a path out of a shackled life.

Now, Tanmay is working on a number of different fronts to ensure the next generation of his community isn’t similarly constrained. He’s working with a number of NGOs in trying to protect Dalit rights and educating the international community on plight of Dalits in India. He has also been involved in ensuring that Dalit history is preserved in American textbooks.

In the end, Tanmay taught me about myself and about a society I thought I understood. There’s no doubt I too worked hard and faced some challenges to get where I am. But for the most part, my life has been one of privilege. Talking to Tanmay made me understand just how true that is. Sure, there are Savarnas who have had to overcome obstacles to succeed and Dalits who find a much easier path forward than most. But for the majority of Dalits, the effects of multiple oppressions are that much harder to overcome.

Why are America's farmers killing themselves in record numbers?




Everyone is looking at the surficial and missing the real problem.  Modern farming is completely built around maximising the efforts of a lone individual without proper community support.  Naturally this means the operator must do excellent work in his key tasks while also finding time to address tasks better handled by others.  The presure is overwelming and often without time to mentally recover. We call it PTSD.


The future will be built around a natural community in which several men and women can set up ad hoc teams to complete the tasks at hand while supplying ample emotional support.  We are a long way from that at the moment when we do not know enough to apply this to poverty itself.


 I am not sure if failing industrial practise or farmer fatigue will break the back of the present dominant protocol butboth are atwork.
   .

Why are America's farmers killing themselves in record numbers? 


The suicide rate for farmers is more than double that of veterans. Former farmer Debbie Weingarten gives an insider’s perspective on farm life – and how to help


Wednesday 6 December 2017 


https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/dec/06/why-are-americas-farmers-killing-themselves-in-record-numbers 


It is dark in the workshop, but what light there is streams in patches through the windows. Cobwebs coat the wrenches, the cans of spray paint and the rungs of an old wooden chair where Matt Peters used to sit. A stereo plays country music, left on by the renter who now uses the shop.

“It smells so good in here,” I say. “Like …”

“Men, working,” finishes Ginnie Peters.

We inhale. “Yes.”

Ginnie pauses at the desk where she found her husband Matt’s letter on the night he died.


“My dearest love,” it began, and continued for pages. “I have torment in my head.”

On the morning of his last day, 12 May 2011, Matt stood in the kitchen of their farmhouse.

“I can’t think,” he told Ginnie. “I feel paralyzed.”

It was planting season, and stress was high. Matt worried about the weather and worked around the clock to get his crop in the ground on time. He hadn’t slept in three nights and was struggling to make decisions.

“I remember thinking ‘I wish I could pick you up and put you in the car like you do with a child,’” Ginnie says. “And then I remember thinking … and take you where? Who can help me with this? I felt so alone.”


Ginnie felt an “oppressive sense of dread” that intensified as the day wore on. At dinnertime, his truck was gone and Matt wasn’t answering his phone. It was dark when she found the letter. “I just knew,” Ginnie says. She called 911 immediately, but by the time the authorities located his truck, Matt had taken his life.


Ginnie describes her husband as strong and determined, funny and loving. They raised two children together. He would burst through the door singing the Mighty Mouse song – “Here I come to save the day!” – and make everyone laugh. He embraced new ideas and was progressive in his farming practices, one of the first in his county to practice no-till, a farming method that does not disturb the soil. “In everything he did, he wanted to be a giver and not a taker,” she says. After his death, Ginnie began combing through Matt’s things. “Every scrap of paper, everything I could find that would make sense of what had happened.” His phone records showed a 20-minute phone call to an unfamiliar number on the afternoon he died.


When she dialed the number, Dr Mike Rosmann answered.


“My name is Virginia Peters,” she said. “My husband died of suicide on May 12th.”

There was a pause on the line.

“I have been so worried,” said Rosmann. “Mrs Peters, I am so glad you called me.”

Rosmann, an Iowa farmer, is a psychologist and one of the nation’s leading farmer behavioral health experts. He often answers phone calls from those in crisis. And for 40 years, he has worked to understand why farmers take their lives at such alarming rates – currently, higher rates than any other occupation in the United States.


Once upon a time, I was a vegetable farmer in Arizona. And I, too, called Rosmann. I was depressed, unhappily married, a new mom, overwhelmed by the kind of large debt typical for a farm operation.


We were growing food, but couldn’t afford to buy it. We worked 80 hours a week, but we couldn’t afford to see a dentist, let alone a therapist. I remember panic when a late freeze threatened our crop, the constant fights about money, the way light swept across the walls on the days I could not force myself to get out of bed.


“Farming has always been a stressful occupation because many of the factors that affect agricultural production are largely beyond the control of the producers,” wrote Rosmann in the journal Behavioral Healthcare. “The emotional well being of family farmers and ranchers is intimately intertwined with these changes.”


Last year, a study by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) found that people working in agriculture – including farmers, farm laborers, ranchers, fishers, and lumber harvesters – take their lives at a rate higher than any other occupation. The data suggested that the suicide rate for agricultural workers in 17 states was nearly five times higher compared with that in the general population.


After the study was released, Newsweek reported that the suicide death rate for farmers was more than double that of military veterans. This, however, could be an underestimate, as the data collected skipped several major agricultural states, including Iowa. Rosmann and other experts add that the farmer suicide rate might be higher, because an unknown number of farmers disguise their suicides as farm accidents.


The US farmer suicide crisis echoes a much larger farmer suicide crisis happening globally: an Australian farmer dies by suicide every four days; in the UK, one farmer a week takes his or her own life; in France, one farmer dies by suicide every two days; in India, more than 270,000 farmers have died by suicide since 1995.


In 2014, I left my marriage and my farm, and I began to write. I aimed to explore our country’s fervent celebration of the agrarian, and yet how, despite the fact that we so desperately need farmers for our survival, we often forget about their wellbeing. Four years after contacting Rosmann as a farmer, I am traveling across Iowa with a photographer in an attempt to understand the suicide crisis on America’s farms. It’s been raining all morning – big gray swaths – and we are standing in the entryway of the Rosmanns’ house.


“Should we take off our shoes?” we ask. Mike’s wife, Marilyn, waves us off. “It’s a farmhouse,” she says. On this overcast day, the farmhouse is warm and immaculately decorated. Marilyn is baking cranberry bars in the brightly lit kitchen. 


Mike appears a midwestern Santa Claus – glasses perched on a kind, round face; a head of white hair and a bushy white moustache. In 1979, Mike and Marilyn left their teaching positions at the University of Virginia in Charlottesville and bought 190 acres in Harlan, Iowa – near Mike’s boyhood farm. When he told his colleagues that he was trading academia for farm life, they were incredulous.


“I told them farmers are an endangered species, and we need them for our sustenance. I need to go take care of farmers, because nobody else does,” says Rosmann. Once back in Iowa, the Rosmanns farmed corn, soybeans, oats, hay, purebred cattle, chickens and turkeys. Mike opened a psychology practice, Marilyn worked as a nurse, and they raised two children.


When the rain breaks, Mike pulls on muck boots over his pants, and we go outside. He has the slightest limp; in 1990, during the oat harvest, he lost four of his toes “in a moment of carelessness” with the grain combine, an event he describes as life-changing. We are walking through the wet grass toward the cornfield behind his house, when he cranes his head. “Hear the calves bellering?” he asks. “They’ve just been weaned.” We stop and listen; the calves sound out in distressed notes, their off-key voices like prepubescent boys crying out across the field.


In the 1980s, America’s continuing family farm crisis began. A wrecking ball for rural America, it was the worst agricultural economic crisis since the Great Depression. Market prices crashed. Loans were called in. Interest rates doubled overnight. Farmers were forced to liquidate their operations and evicted from their land. There were fights at grain elevators, shootings in local banks. The suicide rate soared. 


“What we went through in the 1980s farm crisis was hell,” says Donn Teske, a farmer and president of the Kansas Farmers Union. “I mean, it was ungodly hell.”


In the spring of 1985, farmers descended on Washington DC by the thousands, including David Senter, president of the American Agriculture Movement (AAM) and a historian for FarmAid. For weeks, the protesting farmers occupied a tent on the Mall, surrounded the White House, marched along Pennsylvania Avenue. Farmers marched hundreds of black crosses – each with the name of a foreclosure or suicide victim – to the USDA building and drove them into the ground. “It looked like a cemetery,” recalls Senter.


Rosmann worked on providing free counseling, referrals for services, and community events to break down stigmas of mental health issues among farmers. “People just did not deal with revealing their tender feelings. They felt like failures,” says Rosmann. 


During the height of the farm crisis, telephone hotlines were started in most agricultural states.

“And what was the impact?”


“We stopped the suicides here,” he says of his community in Iowa. “And every state that had a telephone hotline reduced the number of farming related suicides.”


In 1999, Rosmann joined an effort called Sowing Seeds of Hope (SSOH), which began in Wisconsin, and connected uninsured and underinsured farmers in seven midwestern states to affordable behavioral health services. In 2001, Rosmann became the executive director. For 14 years, the organization fielded approximately a half-million telephone calls from farmers, trained over 10,000 rural behavioral health professionals, and provided subsidized behavioral health resources to over 100,000 farm families.


Rosmann’s program proved so successful that it became the model for a nationwide program called the Farm and Ranch Stress Assistance Network (FRSAN). Rosmann and his colleagues were hopeful that farmers would get the federal support they so desperately needed – but though the program was approved as part of the 2008 US Farm Bill, it was not funded.


While Senator Tom Harkin and other sympathetic legislators tried to earmark money for the FRSAN, they were outvoted. Rosmann says that several members of the House and Senate – most of them Republicans – “were disingenuous”. In an email, Rosmann wrote, “They promised support to my face and to others who approached them to support the FRSAN, but when it came time to vote … they did not support appropriating money … Often they claimed it was an unnecessary expenditure which would increase the national debt, while also saying healthy farmers are the most important asset to agricultural production.”


The program, which would have created regional and national helplines and provided counseling for farmers, was estimated to cost the government $18m annually. Rosmann argues that US farmers lost by suicide totals much more than this – in dollars, farmland, national security in the form of food, and the emotional and financial toll on families and entire communities. In 2014, the federal funding that supported Rosmann’s Sowing Seeds of Hope came to an end, and the program was shuttered.





John Blaske looks out over his farm fields in Onaga, Kansas. Photograph: Audra Mulkern 



The September sky is chalk gray, and for a moment it rains. John Blaske’s cows are lined up at the fence; cicadas trill from the trees. It’s been a year since he flipped through Missouri Farmer Today and froze, startled by an article written by Rosmann.


“Suicide death rate of farmers higher than other groups, CDC reports,” the headline read.


“I read it 12 or 15 times,” Blaske says, sitting next to his wife Joyce at the kitchen table. “It hit home something drastically.” 


In the house, every square inch of wall or shelf space is filled with memorabilia and photos of their six children and 13 grandchildren. Music croons softly from the kitchen radio.


Blaske is tall and stoic, with hands toughened by work and a somber voice that rarely changes in inflection. We’ve been speaking by phone since the winter, when Rosmann connected us. “How’s the weather out there in Arizona?” he would ask at the outset of each phone call. I’ve followed Blaske through multiple health scares and hospital stays, as he has realized that the depression and suicidal thoughts he’s endured alone for years are common among farmers. 


The first time we spoke, Blaske told me, “In the last 25 to 30 years, there’s not a day that goes by that I don’t think about suicide.”


The CDC report suggested possible causes for the high suicide rate among US farmers, including “social isolation, potential for financial losses, barriers to and unwillingness to seek mental health services (which might be limited in rural areas), and access to lethal means”.


For a farmer, loss of land often cuts deeper than a death, something Blaske understands firsthand. On Thanksgiving Day in 1982, a spark shot out from Blaske’s woodstove to a box of newspaper. The fire climbed curtains, melted doors, burned most of the house. The Blaskes became homeless. 


Soon after the fire, the farm crisis intensified. The bank raised their interest rate from seven to 18%. Blaske raced between banks and private lenders, attempting to renegotiate loan terms. Agreements would be made and then fall through. “They did not care whether we had to live in a grader ditch,” remembers Blaske. 


Desperate, the family filed for bankruptcy and lost 265 acres. For the first time, Blaske began to think of suicide.







Joyce and John Blaske stand at the entrance to their barn at their farm in Onaga, Kansas. Photograph: Audra Mulkern Much of the acreage lost to the Blaskes sits across the road from the 35 acres they retain today. “I can’t leave our property without seeing what we lost,” Blaske frets. “You can’t imagine how that cuts into me every day. It just eats me alive.”


Rosmann has developed what he calls the agrarian imperative theory – though he is quick to say it sits on the shoulders of other psychologists. “People engaged in farming,” he explains, “have a strong urge to supply essentials for human life, such as food and materials for clothing, shelter and fuel, and to hang on to their land and other resources needed to produce these goods at all costs.”


When farmers can’t fulfill this instinctual purpose, they feel despair. Thus, within the theory lies an important paradox: the drive that makes a farmer successful is the same that exacerbates failure, sometimes to the point of suicide. In an article, Rosmann wrote that the agrarian imperative theory “is a plausible explanation of the motivations of farmers to be agricultural producers and to sometimes end their lives”.


Since 2013, net farm income for US farmers has declined 50%. Median farm income for 2017 is projected to be negative $1,325. And without parity in place (essentially a minimum price floor for farm products), most commodity prices remain below the cost of production.


In an email, Rosmann wrote, “The rate of self-imposed [farmer] death rises and falls in accordance with their economic well-being … Suicide is currently rising because of our current farm recession.”


Inside the sunny lobby of the newly remodeled Onaga community hospital, where Joyce Blaske happens to work in the business department, Dr Nancy Zidek has just finished her rounds. As a family medicine doctor, she sees behavioral health issues frequently among her farmer patients, which she attributes to the stressors inherent in farming. 


“If your farm is struggling, you’re certainly going to be depressed and going to be worried about how to put food on the table, how to get your kids to college,” she says.






Having just finished her rounds, Dr Nancy Zidek stands at the entrance of the newly opened community hospital in Onaga, Kansas. Photograph: Audra Mulkern In August 2017, Tom Giessel, farmer and president of the Pawnee County Kansas Farmers Union produced a short video called “Ten Things a Bushel of Wheat Won’t Buy”. At $3.27 per bushel (60lb), Giessel says, “The grain I produce and harvest is my ‘currency’ and it is less than one-fifth of what it should be priced.” 



He shows snapshots of consumer goods that cost more than a bushel of wheat: six English muffins, four rolls of toilet paper, a single loaf of bread – even though one bushel of wheat is enough to make 70 one-pound breadloaves.


Dr Zidek says the wellbeing of farmers is inextricably linked to the health of rural communities. “The grain prices are low. The gas prices are high. Farmers feel the strain of ‘I’ve got to get this stuff in the field. But if I can’t sell it, I can’t pay for next year’s crop. I can’t pay my loans at the bank off.’ And that impacts the rest of us in a small community, because if the farmers can’t come into town to purchase from the grocery store, the hardware store, the pharmacy – then those people also struggle.”


Indeed, it is Saturday afternoon, and downtown Onaga is practically deserted. There’s a liquor store, a school, a few churches, a pizza place, a youth center and boarded-up storefronts. “You need to have a family farm structure to have rural communities – for school systems, churches, hospitals,” says Donn Teske of the Kansas Farmers Union. “I’m watching with serious dismay the industrialization of the agriculture sector and the depopulation of rural Kansas … In rural America,” he adds, “maybe the war is lost.”


After finding the article in Missouri Farmer Today, John Blaske decided to contact Rosmann. But the article listed a website, and the Blaskes did not own a computer. So he drove to the library and asked a librarian to send an email to Rosmann on his behalf. A few days later, as Blaske was driving his tractor down the road, Rosmann called him back. 


“He wanted to hear what I had to say,” Blaske says. “Someone needs to care about what’s going on out here.”


Since the 1980s farm crisis, Rosmann says experts have learned much more about how to support farmers. Confidential crisis communication systems – by telephone or online – are effective, but staff need to be versed in the reality and language of agriculture.


“If you go to a therapist who may know about therapy but doesn’t understand farming, the therapist might say, ‘Take a vacation – that’s the best thing you can do.’ And the farmer will say, ‘But my cows aren’t on a five-day-a-week schedule.’”





Quiet streets on a Saturday afternoon in Onaga, Kansas, population 700. Photograph: Audra Mulkern Affordable therapy is critical and inexpensive to fund – Rosmann says many issues can be resolved in fewer than five sessions, which he compares to an Employee Assistance Program. Medical providers need to be educated about physical and behavioral health vulnerabilities in agricultural populations, an effort Rosmann is working on with colleagues.


John Blaske says painting helps. When he’s feeling up to it, he paints heavy saw blades with detailed farmscapes. Counseling and medication have also helped, but he craves conversation with farmers who know what he’s experiencing. “I would really give about anything to go and talk to people,” he says. “If any one person thinks they are the only one in this boat, they are badly mistaken. It’s like Noah’s Ark. It’s running over.”





Read more Inside the farmhouse, Blaske places two journals in my hands. They’re filled with memories of walking through town barefoot as a child, how his mother would pick sandburs out of his feet at night; about the years he worked full-time at the grain elevator, only to come home to farmwork in the dark and counting cows by flashlight.


The image of Blaske on the farm, illuminating the darkness, is a powerful one. “Sometimes the batteries were low and the light was not so bright,” he wrote, “But when you found the cow that was missing, you also found a newborn calf, which made the dark of night much brighter.”

In the US, the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline is 1-800-273-8255. In the UK the Samaritans can be contacted on 116 123. In Australia, the crisis support service Lifeline is on 13 11 14. Other international suicide helplines can be found at www.befrienders.org.