This item is of some interest as it properly places Trump in the continuum of conservative thinkers. Rather important though is that Trump's natrual instinct is to have as little to do with foreign entanglements as possible. There is a lot of who wants to own that dump attitude there as it should be.
I think that he understands that WAR destroys wealth, which is something that the Illuminati and the NWO completely fail to understand at all in their grasping for weapons sales. WAR has been obsolete since Napoleon and the creation of fiat currency operations.
What is not obsolete is State led capital creation above and beyond what the private sector might support or be able to fund. Yet it must be carefully managed to prevent excess monopoly manufacture. I personally think all such rules including tariffs should decline at least 5% per year until expired. This at least motivates the private sector to not rely on the initial bounty.
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Trump Isn’t Hitler; He’s Hamilton
March 30, 2016 by
http://www.tommullen.net/featured/trump-isnt-hitler-hes-hamilton/
As Donald Trump closes in on the Republican nomination for President, comparisons to Hitler continue.
And while references to the dictator are never absent from political
hyperbole, one can’t help but wonder if there isn’t a bit more
legitimacy to them when it comes to the Donald. Even the creator of
Godwin’s law won’t dismiss the comparison out of hand.
Superficially, there is something there. Trump appeals to the same
kind of nationalist worldview that inspired Hitler’s supporters. Trump’s
campaign slogan, “Make America Great Again,” isn’t substantively
different than Hitler’s. Neither are his arguments for what has caused
the decline: corrupt politicians who have sold out the nation, the
presence of subversive or merely unwanted elements (Jews and communists
for Hitler; illegal immigrants and Muslim refugees for Trump), and inept
economic policy, meaning not enough of or the wrong kind of state
intervention.
Like Hitler, Trump touts himself as the only hope to save his
country, a strongman-type leader who will run a command economy, rid the
country of subversive elements, and restore lost international respect.
His disdain for civil liberties like free speech and open support
of torture are an even more chilling similarity. For Trump, government
isn’t the problem, it’s the solution, as long as the right leader is
running it.
But for all the similarities, there are important differences. He
certainly can’t be accused of sharing Hitler’s racial beliefs. Trump’s
wall to keep out illegal immigrants from Mexico will have a yuuuuge door
in the middle to admit legal immigrants of the same ethnicity. He has
repeatedly voiced his admiration and respect for the Chinese, because
“you can still respect someone who’s knocking the hell out of you.”
Most striking is Trump’s foreign policy differences with the Fuhrer.
While Trump does advocate some sort of military action against ISIS,
he’s strikingly noninterventionist
in general. His willingness to come out and admit the Iraq War was a
mistake – in South Carolina no less – and his general view that America
should start questioning its ongoing military posture everywhere,
including NATO, are the opposite of the aggressive military component
integral to Hitler’s plan from the beginning.
So what do you call Trump’s brand of nationalism, if not outright
fascism? If you take away the boorishness of Trump’s personality and
insert more thoughtful, elegant rhetoric, you’d call it traditional
American conservatism, before it was infiltrated by more libertarian
ideas. American conservatism was always about creating an American
version of the mercantilist British Empire and it really never changed.
Since the founding of the republic, American conservatives have
argued for a strong central government that subsidized domestic
corporations to build roads and infrastructure, levied high
protectionist tariffs and ran a central bank. This was Alexander
Hamilton’s domestic platform, championed by his Federalist Party. Henry
Clay and the Whigs adopted it after the Federalist Party died. From the
ashes of the Whigs emerged Lincoln and the Republicans, who were finally
able to install Clay’s “American System” after decades of electoral
failure.
The Republican Party has remained startlingly consistent in its
economic principles, despite incorporating free market rhetoric in the
20th century. Republicans from Lincoln to McKinley to
Coolidge to George W. Bush have been protectionists. Hoover reacted to
the Depression by signing the Smoot-Hawley tariff, for all the same
reasons Trump threatens tariffs now. And what was the first thing
Republicans did in the 1950s, after two decades of Democratic Party
domination? A huge government roads project that had Hamilton smiling in
his grave.
Trump promises more of the same, justifying his stance against
nation-building by saying, “I just think we have to rebuild our
country.” Make no mistake, Trump isn’t suggesting cutting military
spending and allowing the private sector to build what it chooses to
build. “We” is the government, with Trump as its intellectually superior
leader.
Trump isn’t Hitler; he’s Hamilton, advocating the kind of centralist government Hamilton spoke
about in secret at the Constitutional Convention and attempted to
achieve surreptitiously throughout the rest of his political life by
eroding the same limits on federal government power he had trumpeted to
sell the Constitution in the Federalist Papers. Trump wants to be
Hamilton’s elected king, running a crony-capitalist, mercantilist
economy just as Hamilton envisioned.
Even Trump’s campaign slogan is Hamiltonian. Hamilton’s stated goal was
“national greatness,” something he referred to again and again in his
writing.
And while Hamilton was certainly a more eloquent and well-mannered
spokesman for conservatism, Trump is actually superior to him in at
least one way: Hamilton was a military interventionist, whose ambition
to conquer the colonial possessions of Spain was much more like Hitler’s
desire to seize the Ukraine for Germany than anything Trump wants to do
internationally.
One has to wonder: Is that the real reason neoconservatives like Bill Kristol, John McCain and Lindsey Graham are so anti-Trump?
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