This needed to
be said. It does not excuse the way
GMO’s are been stealthed into the market place.
There we must have disclosure and full disclosure.
Once again
enthusiasts will try to throw the baby out with the bathwater. We need real science.
More pointedly,
I want to see new protocols introduced as early as possible on a township or
watershed basis. This allows a number of
operators to get first dibs on the benefits while eating the risks of
unintended consequences and do this full press over a minimum of five years.
Then if an issue
materializes it can be studied with real world data and next door comparables.
We are still
taking risk but it is geographically contained risk and likely resolvable at a
reasonable cost. It is also likely to drive
the new product into the market sooner because you then have economics as well.
GMO review
Several weeks ago, Nathanael Johnson at Grist reflected on what he had learned after spending half a
year dissecting all the major claims and counter-claims that dominated the GMO
debate. It was a very thoughtful post with a jarring headline:
What I learned from six months of GMO research: None
of it matters
Many smart people nodded along, which blew my mind,
but also made me realize just how narrowly this discussion has been framed.
(More on that in in a minute.)
In his piece–as he did in his six-month
series–Johnson waxed Solomonic about the pros and cons of crop biotechnology,
ultimately concluding:
The most astonishing thing about the vicious public
brawl over GMOs is that the stakes are so low.
This struck me as astonishing, especially coming
from someone who had just spent six months deeply immersed in biotech research
and application. My own foray into this world has led me to the opposite
conclusion. (The same goes for Amy Harmon.) As I was doodling with a response
to Johnson’s “none of it matters” hand wave, several notable rebuttals poured
forth. The first was from University of Wyoming’s Andrew Kniss,
who made this excellent point:
While activist groups, scientists, and journalists
yell past each other in this debate, the people who are actually using and benefiting from the technology are largely ignored. So too are the potential beneficiaries of the future.
What is most disturbing about the GMO debate – and
why it matters – is that the anti-GMO movement at almost every turn rejects
empiricism as a means of understanding the world and making decisions about it.
This matters because the anti-GMO movement shapes
the public discourse. It is their ideology, worldview and claims that set the
terms of the debate. The scientists merely play defense, batting back a torrent
of misinformation and never-ending urban myths (terminators! Indian farmer
suicides!), much in the way that climate scientists are forever rebutting
cherry-picked stats and pseudoscience from climate skeptics. What’s truly
disconcerting about the GMO debate is that influential thought leaders and
public figures have legitimized the anti-empirical voices instead of disavowing
them. (This mostly doesn’t happen in public dialogues involving climate change
or vaccine safety–where the evidence-defiant fringe are marginalized).
Such mainstreaming–how it plays out– is illustrated
in my recent piece in Issues in Science and Technology, which is
about how a popular GMO myth has been credulously accepted, amplified,
and disseminated. To a much larger degree, the endorsement and propagation
of misleading information and outright falsehoods by influential thought
leaders is the elephant in the room that Johnson, Grist and many progressives
dance around. They need to own it, not ignore it, because there are
consequences when influentials play footsies with the fringe, just as there are
consequences when popular talk show hosts give a forum to anecdotal anti-vaccine arguments and phony experts falsely claiming health dangers from GMOs.
The anti-GMO movement is an anti-empirical
movement. It relies on the rejection of evidence about the risks and benefits
of extant GMOs. And it relies on the rejection of an understanding about
molecular biology. And it’s triumph would be a disaster not just
because we would miss out on future innovations in agriculture – but because
the rejection of GMOs would all but banish the last vestige of empiricism from
political life. The world faces so many challenges now, and we can only solve
them if we believe that the world can be understood by studying it, that we can
think up and generate possible solutions to the challenges we face, and that we
can make rational decisions about which ones to use or not to use. The
anti-GMO movement rejects each piece of this – it rejects decades of research
aimed at understanding molecular biology, it rejects technology as a way to
solve problems and more than anything it rejects our ability to make rational
assessments of risk and value.
Another noteworthy rebuttal to Johnson was penned by Ramez Naam, who
argues that GMOs matter very much for the developing world. Indeed, this is an
aspect of the debate that is largely ignored. I was thrilled to see Naam use
the example of India’s Bt cotton farmers, which really does illustrate the
value of biotechnology for smallholders. (This is something I get into in my
Issues in Science and Technology piece.)
So why does cotton engineered with the
pest-resistant Bt
trait matter in the developing world? After all, people don’t eat
cotton! And as smart GMO skeptics like to point out, most biotech crops, like
soybean, corn, and cotton, are commodity cash crops. They don’t feed people.
Here’s Naam:
There are 7 million cotton farmers in India. Several
peer reviewed studies have found that, because Bt cotton increases the amount
of crop they have to sell, it raises their farm profits by as much as 50 percent, helps lift them out of poverty and reduces their risk of falling
into hunger. By reducing
the amount of insecticide used (which, in India, is mostly sprayed by hand) Bt
cotton has also massively reduced insecticide
poisoning to farm
workers there — to the tune of 2.4 million cases per year.
So here we have an example where GMOs help people
rise out of poverty. The Indian farmers make more money with genetically
modified cotton, which means they have more money to purchase food and clothes
and everyday items that anti-GMO westerners take for granted. That’s not a
hypothetical benefit of GMOs. It’s real. And it matters.
Now there are some, like the anthropologist Glenn
Davis Stone, who take issue with what he derides as the “triumphalist narrative”
of Bt cotton in India. And there are those who, in response, throw up their hands in exasperation. I’ll get
into this quicksand in my next post. (Look for it Monday.) I should also point
out that Johnson has just written a follow-up to his “none of it matters” post, where he
concedes to overgeneralizing. In his latest, Johnson concludes that the symbol
of GMOs has eclipsed the causes it symbolizes. Our urgent needs are to
alleviate poverty, improve the environment, and face the fact that many of us
no longer trust the people who bring us our food. Right now, our political
capital is misspent if we’re only addressing GMOs narrowly without touching
those larger issues.
I entirely agree.
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