This item makes the much more telling argument that we are dealing
with structural failure most of the time or realistically all the
time. Solving that type of failure is naturally difficult since we
have long remained unsatisfied. I have been saying as much on
specific cases for years. In fact much of our civilization is gamed
disadvantageously and tradition has kept it all in place.
I see our core problem as our dependence on a command and control
model and no obvious replacement put in place. I have thought
through an alternate that I call the rule of twelve, but it may well
be even harder.
The take home is that our expectations fall apart in the face of our
human choices. There is never enough good human choices because we
fail to test properly. The military obviates a lot of this
difficulty through the media of increasing responsibility and reviews
however unsatisfactory. It actually works pretty well.
An obvious solution of course is to simply build in a pass over and
out attrition system into all organizations. This type of mobility
is actually welcome.
Neither Evil Nor
Incompetent
MAY 13, 2010 by STEVEN
HORWITZ
Classical liberals
spend a great deal of time pointing out the failures of government.
When we enter into public discourse over politics, we are often
challenged to explain the nature and frequency of those failings.
There are three kinds of explanations we might offer, but only one
really explains not only why governments fail in specific cases, but
also why government in general is likely to fail at pretty much
everything.
One type of
explanation classical liberals might offer, and that some among us do
with distressing frequency, is to argue that politicians and
bureaucrats have evil designs to undermine the economy or the social
order to forward their own careers or other goals. No doubt,
political history gives us plenty of reason to think that, in Hayek’s
words, the “worst rise to the top” in the political world.
However, the weakness
of this approach is that there’s a convenient response available to
the defenders of government: Okay, then we just have to elect or
appoint better, more morally upright people to political office. The
“evil people” theory does not actually explain the failures of
government at a fundamental level. Rather it suggests that with a
better captain, the “ship of state” might be steered clear of the
icebergs and actually reach its destination. The classical-liberal
response to this counterargument must somehow maintain that it’s
endemic in politics that “bad” people rise to the top. If that’s
the case, then we need to get beyond the “evil people” argument
and go straight to whatever causes that endemic problem.
The other problem with
the “evil people” argument, and I will explore this point in more
depth next week, is that it concedes that people can manipulate the
economy for their ends. It’s not clear this is a concession that
classical liberals want to make.
Incompetence?
Rather than invoking
malevolence, we could instead invoke incompetence. The
“worst” who get on top simply refers to those with the least ability. Invoking incompetence has the advantage of avoiding the implication that people can manipulate the economy. However, that argument is open to a similar response: So elect/appoint more competent people. If Michael Brown, head of FEMA during Hurricane Katrina, simply was incompetent, then there’s nothing fundamentally wrong with FEMA that someone better trained in disaster response couldn’t fix, right?
“worst” who get on top simply refers to those with the least ability. Invoking incompetence has the advantage of avoiding the implication that people can manipulate the economy. However, that argument is open to a similar response: So elect/appoint more competent people. If Michael Brown, head of FEMA during Hurricane Katrina, simply was incompetent, then there’s nothing fundamentally wrong with FEMA that someone better trained in disaster response couldn’t fix, right?
Here, too, if there’s
some reason to expect that government will attract incompetents, or
at least have no way to weed them out, then we need to get to those
arguments, rather than getting hung up on incompetence in itself.
The third alternative
is superior to both the “evil” and “incompetence” arguments:
focusing on what makes government agencies structurally unable to
accomplish the tasks assigned them. For example, the failures of the
Federal Reserve are not the result of the Fed’s being run by a
cabal of global bankers intending to undermine the U.S. economy; nor
are the failures the fault of the incompetence of the Board of
Governors or Federal Open Market Committee. Even with the kindest,
most public-spirited, and most brilliant economists at the helm, the
task facing the Fed is simply impossible. No one can control the
money supply and manipulate the macroeconomy the way the Fed is
expected to. It cannot obtain the knowledge it needs to undertake
that task, unlike firms in the market, which can rely on the prices
to inform their decisions.
Think of the analogous
debate over the public schools. We classical liberals sound silly, in
my view, if we argue that public school teachers are all either evil
or incompetent. I know a lot of public school teachers, and most of
them are dedicated and reasonably competent. Public schools fail
because of their structural features, not because of the morality or
intelligence of the people they employ. And if we demonize our
neighbors who teach there, people are likely to tune us out.
If we classical
liberals assume that those in office are the best and the brightest
yet still have a solid explanation for why they cannot get the job
done, the case for freedom is much stronger and less alienating than
if we focus on the morality or competence of government employees.
Never assume evil or incompetence. Explanations of systemic,
structural failure are available and more effective.
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