The problem is that like industry occasionally, the labor union has
achieved monopoly and then gone out and gamed that monopoly to the
disadvantage of shareholders and taxpayers. Then one morning they
all wake up to no pension plan and/or no jobs as the ultimate
paymasters go on revolt.
Scott Walker confronted
the problem and tackled it in the only way possible. He rewrote the
contracts to reflect what was real and possible. More important he
shut down the backdoor financing of the Union's political friends.
This is really only the
beginning. The federal unions are beginning to feel the heat in
Canada and it is a surety that non compliment provinces will soon
feel the same heat. Here it will be incremental. All I know is that
a government job meant accepting less pay forty years ago and that
today it means accepting a twenty percent raise.
The USA does not have the
luxury of time and choices that Canada has.
There is without question
a place for unions in the workplace, but there is no place for union
monopoly and financial gaming of pension funds and the like.
I personally think that
an universal wage standard is called for as well as universal
benefits to end the local gaming of labor as a method to squeeze
profits. Such a standards can also be linked directly to welfare
stipends and meaningful inflation adjustments so that thousands of
negotiations do not trip on the same issues. Just as obviously
premiums can be paid in 'temporary circumstances but everyone knows
then that his rate is predetermined and the effort is to earn a
premium that can be discontinued as conditions change.
It is a problem that
needs to be better worked out and the gaming must end without simply
destroying the shareholders of GM.
The end of the
American labor union movement as we know it
Monday, June 04, 2012
By Juan Williams
Ann Coulter on the
right and Rachel Maddow on the left agree Wisconsin’s vote this
Tuesday on recalling Gov. Scott Walker is going to have national
implications. They’ve got that right.
If Walker wins, it
will encourage Republican governors around the nation to enact more
laws that diminish the power of public worker unions. Those efforts
usually involve stripping unions of collective bargaining rights in
an effort to shut off the money flowing from unions to Democrats.
Since the 2010 midterm
elections, GOP governors have been intent on closing off the flow of
cash from taxpayers to public sector unions which then support
Democratic candidates.
In trying to choke the life out of unions, those governors have had varied degrees of success. But if Walker wins, governors like Michigan’s Rick Snyder, Ohio’s John Kasich and Pennsylvania’s Tom Corbett will find new pockets of money and political support for their anti-union fight.
By the same logic, if
the unions cannot defeat an unpopular GOP governor whose policies
have threatened their power – and their very existence in one of
the most pro-union states in the country - Republicans and Democrats
alike will perceive them as weak. The state’s labor unions –
including the AFL-CIO, AFSCME and the SEIU – could not get their
favorite candidate, Kathleen Falk, nominated as the candidate to run
against Walker. That was a loss among fellow Democrats. Meanwhile the
unions are being outspent by Walker’s camp, which is playing with a
bankroll of $30 million compared to his challenger’s $4 million.
The Democratic Party and left-wing groups have not matched the
financial punch from the right.
The state’s leading
Democrats, Sen. Herb Kohl and Sen. Russ Feingold, both took a pass on
running against Walker.
President Obama’s
campaign has given the union fight a cold shoulder, too, not wanting
to be associated with a possible defeat.
Recently, the
Progressive Change Committee pulled a comparatively small advertising
buy of $112,000 in support of Democratic candidate Tom Barrett,
apparently concluding that the recall fight is already lost.
On the other side,
Gov. Walker is getting big help from right-wing groups. They include
Americans for Prosperity, the conservative group bankrolled by the
billionaire Koch Brothers. AFP has helped Walker with a $3-million ad
campaign.
Walker has also added
financial support for his fight against the recall from billionaire
Republican donors outside the Badger State, like Nevada’s Sheldon
Adelson.
The result is that
Walker has a tremendous cash advantage over Barrett.
Win or lose, the
outcome will also leave a mark on the nationwide argument over pay
and rights for public employees - part of the debate about the future
of the middle class, the size of government, taxes and spending.
That conversation is
at the heart of the forthcoming presidential contest between
President Obama and the GOP’s nominee, Mitt Romney.
If Walker survives,
then Romney immediately inherits an energized GOP base in the state
and improves his odds to win Wisconsin this November.
But what happens if
the union-backed Barrett, Milwaukee’s mayor, stages a comeback from
polls that show him trailing and wins the statehouse in Madison?
It will be a
tremendous affirmation of labor’s political power to organize and
mobilize voters despite Republican opposition.
The unions have put
muscle into this fight from the start.
Their loud, large
rallies in Madison got national attention and pushed the governor’s
approval ratings down to 42 percent in his first year in office. And
the unions surprised the governor by getting almost twice the number
of required signatures to put the recall measure on the ballot.
Walker has had to put
time and energy into restoring his popularity. The most recent survey
from PPP, a liberal polling outfit, has his approval rating at 49
percent with 47 percent disapproval.
But it is the power of
the unions that put Walker in position to become only the third
governor in American history to be recalled.
A poll of likely
voters taken last week by Marquette University in Wisconsin gave
Walker a seven-point lead over Barrett, 52 to 45. Another survey of
likely voters by Lake Research, a Democrat polling firm, found the
two candidates tied - each with 49 percent. Democrats argue the race
is getting tight.
Pollsters note that
recall elections are extremely difficult to poll because of the
unique dynamics of the race.
This is why the polls
taken in the run-up to the 2003 California recall that ousted
incumbent Gray Davis, were so erratic.
Former President Bill
Clinton agreed to come to Wisconsin in the final days of the campaign
in a last-ditch effort to help Barrett and, more importantly, the
unions.
This fight is about
the future of America’s public sector unions. In modern politics
they remain the most reliable counterpunch to corporate
money and organizing efforts on the right.
That’s why history
will note what happens in Wisconsin on Tuesday.
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