Reagan matured into a serious economic thinker who then and only then had the necessary conviction to make the changes that he made in our economic system. Poseurs have emerged since to rationalize alterations that Reagan would have powerfully opposed but that is another story and we are now paying the price of all that.
This is a telling of even his small beginnings that led to his later development as a serious player, however well he hid just that. He also had the remarkable skill to sell to everyman that made all those good ideas fly.
Conservative thinking has a long pedigree and sound internal logic. It gets most of it right, but also not all.. Then it is turned into unnuanced slogans that even mislead rather than guide and inform.
Ronald Reagan's Free-Market Mentors
FEBRUARY 02, 2015 by JOHN FUND
Have you ever gone back and revisited or recalled the books or
mentors who shaped your political or philosophical thinking? I got that
chance this past weekend when I attended the annual summit meeting of
the Foundation for Economic Education in Ft. Myers, Fla. A slim pamphlet
reprinted by the Foundation for Economic Education was given to me by
Dennis Miller, a school teacher, when I was 14 years old. It was “The Law,” by the 19th-century French economist FredericBastiat, and it set me on my current path of thinking.
I’m not the only one whom FEE has influenced. Milton Friedman described “I, Pencil,”
FEE’s account of the hundreds of people and the raw materials that
contribute to the making of that humble writing instrument, as “one of
the clearest explanations of how markets work to benefit consumers” he
had ever encountered. The Nobel Prize–winning economist F. A. Hayek said
that FEE had helped inspire him to found the free-market Mont Pelerin
Society. Ronald Reagan credited FEE materials he read in the 1950s with
aiding his conversion to conservatism.
FEE says its mission is to “inspire, educate, and connect future
leaders with the economic, ethical, and legal principles of a free
society.” In the last five years, it has shifted its emphasis to
reaching young people ages 14 to 24 through seminars, readings, and
social media. Detroit’s public schools have made FEE’s Common Sense Economics its
primary textbook for tenth-graders studying the economy. With a budget
of only $3.6 million a year, FEE punches way above its weight in
reaching future “influencers” who will populate academia, business, the
media, and legal circles.Founded in the immediate aftermath of World War
II by Leonard Read, a former head of the Los Angeles Chamber of
Commerce, the free-market outreach group has distributed millions of
copies of classic texts such as Henry Hazlitt’s Economics in One Lesson, Hans Sennholz’s Up from Poverty, and Lawrence Reed’s Are We Rome?
Take Romina Boccia, a 30-year-old German immigrant of Italian
ancestry. “When I was in state schools in Bavaria, I realized that there
must be other perspectives on society I wasn’t getting,” she told me.
“Then someone handed me a copy of Bastiat’s ‘The Law’ on a train, and I
was hooked.” She now is a research fellow in economic policy at the
Heritage Foundation.
Another person who got hooked on FEE’s materials was a middle-aged
actor named Ronald Reagan. The story is fascinating, as detailed in the
2006 book The Education of Ronald Reagan, by Thomas Evans.
From 1954 to 1962, Reagan worked as the host of CBS’s
top-rated General Electric Theater and served as General Electric’s
official spokesman. For weeks at a time he would tour GE’s 139 plants,
eventually meeting most of the 250,000 employees in them. Reagan himself
estimated that he spent 4,000 hours before GE microphones giving talks
that started out with Hollywood patter but ended up as full-throated
warnings about Big Government. “GE tours became almost a post-graduate
course in political science for me,” he later wrote. “By 1960, I had
completed the process of self-conversion.”
Evans, a lawyer who served in the Reagan administration before
turning amateur historian, identified Reagan’s mentor at GE as Lemuel
Boulware, the man behind both the company’s PR efforts and its
labor-negotiation policy. Boulware believed that at the start of
contract talks, GE should make an offer it viewed as fair to
stockholders, workers, and customers and then stick with it, allowing
for almost no changes. This “take it or leave it” approach was so
successful (strikes became almost unknown at GE) that it entered the
lexicon of labor relations as “Boulwarism.”
But Boulware also believed that the policy would work only if
executives went over the heads of union officials and educated the
workers directly about why they had a stake in GE’s prosperity. Evans
notes that “a worker who learned that GE’s profit margin was much
smaller than he had been led to believe or that union officials had not
been truthful with him” was unlikely to join a picket line or insist on
over-the-top demands. Thanks to his outreach to workers, and his surveys
of them, Boulware was “reputed to understand blue-collar workers better
than anyone in the country.”
Boulware’s efforts included an elaborate campaign to educate GE’s
workers as well as the public on the moral and economic benefits of free
enterprise. He encouraged workers to form book clubs and read
free-market texts published by FEE, especially Hazlitt’s Economics in One Lesson and Wilhelm Ropke’s Economics of the Free Society. He also encouraged his managers to read William F. Buckley Jr.’s brand-new National Review.
Boulware’s free-market message so penetrated GE’s work force that
Reagan, his traveling ambassador, quickly saw how important it was for
him to become familiar with what the workers were reading. Over time,
his own reading and his conversations with GE workers had an effect. By
the late 1950s, Reagan was lambasting those “who can’t see a fat man
standing beside a thin one without automatically concluding the fat man
got that way by taking advantage of the thin one.” Historian Rick
Perlstein has concluded that “Reagan was an integral component in the
Boulwarite system.”
The lessons Reagan had learned during his GE barnstorming stuck with
him. Several passages in his famous 1964 speech on behalf of Barry
Goldwater came directly from his GE talks. (“There is no such thing as a
left or right. There is only an up or down: up to man’s age-old dream,
the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with law and order; or
down to the ant heap of totalitarianism.”)
The influence of those years lasted well into Reagan’s presidency.
The Time magazine journalist Hugh Sidey recalled admiring some of
Reagan’s White House speeches so much that he asked a speechwriter who
exactly had written them. “Reagan,” he was told. “They were actually
pretty much the speeches he had given when he worked for General
Electric.” And for the GE talks, Reagan was his own speechwriter.
Of course, few of the people that FEE has influenced turned out to be
the gifted popularizer of liberty that Ronald Reagan was. But FEE marches on,
adapting its outreach to the digital age and the fourth generation of
young people to have come on the scene since its founding. Not a bad
record at all for a group that shuns harsh rhetoric in favor of quiet
persuasion.
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