The Islamic Imperial dream is
naturally compelling and has been for thirteen hundred years. Yet it has consistently foundered on the
utter failure of Islamic governance. For
that reason alone the emergence of a competing empire and really a competing
empire of shared association driven by channeled ethnic rivalries which best
described Christendom swiftly overwhelmed Islamic pretentions. The final insult to the Islamic Caliphate was
the marvelously Machiavellian reengineering of the Islamic political environment
by Christendom as it withdrew.
The boundaries are often
unrelated to known ethnic borders and worse than that they made it a practice
of favoring a minority as they left, ensuring serious divisive conflict. Thus Iraq makes little historical ethnic
sense and the same holds true elsewhere.
Yet we live in the modern world in which ethnic hatreds can use modern
tools to hurl itself across distance and community. This is what Al Qaeda is exploiting today in
their evil pursuit of power.
So yes, Egypt and Libya could make common cause and
in a historically sensible world under the original Christian dispensation
prior to rise of Islam this would certainly have happened. Sinai provides a natural defensible
geographic border. Crossing it has
always been a bad idea. Yet the original
emergence of the Egyptian state in Ancient times was effectively the Delta and
what is now Libya
because the coast was fertile. It was a
large east west state with a distant frontier to the west.
So right now the danger of the
Egyptian taking advantage is a real threat.
It is worse than that. Any
calculation will factor in Obama’s response and that does not look like a
deterrent. Moving now would confront the
next president with a fait accompli and plenty of good reasons to establish a
negotiated settlement.
I am sorry but there is way too
much incentive out there and yes we need to be nervous. I thank this item for waking me up.
Will Egypt seize Libya
for its oil?
Lawrence
Solomon | Oct 5, 2012
Will Egypt seize Libya
for its oil? Given Egypt ’s
political ideology, its history with its neighbours, and its material needs,
this must be a live issue.
First, Egypt ’s
needs. Since the Arab Spring began almost two years ago, the Egyptian
economy has been collapsing. Egypt’s foreign currency reserves have more than
halved and many expect the Egyptian pound, already at its lowest point in
eight years, to be devalued. Discontent is widespread. According to Gulf News,
“In the past three months, Egypt has experienced increased power cuts that
sometimes last for hours, while a fuel and diesel crisis has at times paralyzed
the country, with mile-long queues forming outside petrol stations.” The black
market price for gas canisters is 10 times higher than the official selling
price; for bread it’s five times higher.
The Muslim Brotherhood government desperately needs a $4.8-billion IMF
bailout to stop the bleeding but it refuses to curtail its subsidies, as the
IMF demands, for fear of triggering a popular revolt. It is instead hoping for
aid from oil states and the U.S.
government, but even if this materializes, it will be at best a stopgap. With
tourists, the country’s chief source of foreign exchange, steering clear of
Egypt because of its anti-Western riots, and with foreign investors equally
fearful of venturing into the country, Egypt’s options are daily becoming more
limited. The temptation to look next door to Libya
could be irresistible, particularly since Egypt
views union with Libya
as inevitable.
Unlike most of the world, where nationalist sentiments run deep, pride
of country is a largely alien notion in the clan-oriented Arab Middle East . Since the 1950s, Arab rulers have made at
least 10 attempts to merge their countries together, all but one of them (the United Arab Emirates )
short-lived failures that collapsed in five years or less. Among others, Egypt attempted a union with Libya in 1972 and two with Syria in 1958 and 1976; it attempted federations
with Libya and Sudan in 1969 and with Libya and Syria in 1971.
If plebiscites taken at the time to ratify the new countries are to be
believed, these pan-Arabic arrangements tended to be wildly popular at the
outset, the peoples of the region quick to embrace new flags and to
unsentimentally discard old ones in the name of Arab solidarity.
The lack of national allegiance is all the more striking because Arab
governments in the decades following the Second World War were predominantly
secular, often military dictatorships that overthrew monarchies and kept the
Muslim Brotherhood and other religious zealots at bay. Today the religious
zealots are ascendant. And their ideology eschews national borders in favour of
a caliphate across the Arab world and beyond.
“We are seeing the dream of
the Islamic Caliphate coming true at the hands of Mohammed Morsi,” cleric
Safwat Higazy enthused earlier this year at a Morsi political rally.
Following the Arab Spring, the Muslim Brotherhood not only rules Egypt , through its affiliates it controls
neighbouring Gaza and part of Syria to the north and may be close to seizing
power in Jordan .
Across the north coast of Africa to the west, with one exception, Muslim
Brotherhood groups control Tunisia
and Morocco
while its Algerian wing, not yet in power, warns of revolution. The one
exception is Libya ,
an immediate neighbour, where the Muslim Brotherhood lost the electoral contest
but not the war. An anatomy of the Sept. 11 terrorist attack on the American
consulate in Benghazi
points to troubling Egyptian involvement.
The Libyan organization believed to have masterminded the attack, the
Jamal Network, was set up by Muhammad Jamal Abu Ahmad, an Egyptian released by
the Egyptian government following the Arab Spring. Ahmad, in turn, is
affiliated with al-Qaeda and its Egyptian leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri, who prior
to the Sept. 11 attack had called for revenge for the death of a Libyan member
of al-Qaeda. Egypt’s president Morsi himself, on the eve of his inauguration as
president of Egypt, announced, “I will do everything in my power to secure
freedom for … detainees, including Sheikh Omar Abdul Rahman,” the “blind sheik”
responsible for the 1993 World Trade Center bombing.
Egypt’s government, it is clear, does not eschew associations with
terrorists and it cannot be pleased that Libya, its nearest Arab Spring
neighbour, has escaped Muslim Brotherhood control. In 1977, Egypt and Libya
engaged in war motivated, claimed Libya ,
by Egyptian designs on Libya ’s
oil. If a new Arab union ever emerges in the form of an Islamic Caliphate,
as Morsi wants, Libya ’s
oil would be at its disposal. Morsi and others may be wondering, though, why
wait?
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