This item is helpful and by been about Japan, we are spared parochial
considerations. The Canadian experience, now a couple of decades old
has been excellent. It slowly eats away the cash bubble produced by
interest and over the same types of time frames. I actually think
that two percent happens to be the sweet spot.
The difference between the Canadian experience and the Japanese
experience argues just this. I also think that any higher will be
also be counter productive and agitation to go higher needs to be
ignored. Whether we like it or not we have entered a low interest
world that needs to be sensibly sustained even as it reprices assets
upward
Once this form of inflation stability is secured, it is inevitable
that housing in the USA will reprice upward to around a $300,000
average close to the present average new house price. Once again,
the home becomes a solid store of value. Recall that two percent
built in? It means a well priced housing buy must be worth half
again as much in thirty years or so which is the actual planning
cycle of the consumer of housing.
It is not fabulous, but it is good enough to also mitigate local weak
spots. The net result is that owners always come out whole unless
they were really unlucky. That is what really matters after all.
Profits are good for bragging rights but remaining whole while living
well is the real agenda of everyone.
A yen for inflation
William Watson | Jan
23, 2013
John Crow’s 2%
target is adopted by Japan as well as U.S.
It begins to appear
the real Canadian superstar central banker of the last
quarter-century was, not Mark Carney, but John Crow. On Monday yet
another big country adopted Crow’s strategy of a 2% target for
inflation, this time Japan. The U.S., the biggest convert of all,
came over last year. Truth be told, we weren’t the first to
adopt inflation targeting as a central bank strategy. New Zealand
preceded us by two years and went a percentage point lower. But, led
by Crow, who took all the heat at the new monetary regime’s outset
and was a one-term bank governor as a result, we were in at the
start.
One difference between
us and the Japanese is that when we adopted inflation targeting, 2%
was an ambitious goal. At the time, our inflation rate was over 5%.
In Japan, by contrast, the consumer price index is basically
constant. It was 100 in 2005 and 98.8 last November, which is not so
much deflation as no-flation. What fun awaits the Bank of Japan! As a
sect, central bankers are trained from their earliest days that
inflation is anathema. Now Japan’s have been tasked to deliberately
create some. It’s like preachers being required to cavort with
floozies.
Why would a country
with almost perfect price stability opt instead for inflation?
One problem is that consumer price indexes are always biased
upward: In real life, when the price of a good rises, people
substitute away from it. The CPI assumes, by contrast, that their
spending patterns stay unchanged. Studies suggest the bias is half to
three-quarters of a percentage point, so unless you’ve got a
little bit of CPI inflation, you really have deflation. That may
or may not be bad. Views differ. But it’s not strictly price
stability.
But why take inflation
beyond the half to three-quarters per cent a year that would be true
price stability? The idea is to fix the “problem” of the Zero
Lower Bound.
With zero inflation,
cash pays zero per cent real interest. Cash always pays nominal
interest, i.e., it doesn’t pay interest. So the real interest it
pays depends on the inflation rate.
Deflation gives
cash a positive return that’s more or less risk-free (unless
you’re holding your cash late at night in clear plastic bags in a
rough part of town). Positive risk-free real interest on cash may
discourage investment in anything else that does involve risk. If you
want to see increased investment in real estate or capital equipment
or individual learning, positive real returns to cash don’t help.
By contrast, inflation
gives cash a negative real return. Two per cent a year may seem
trivial — it did when countries had become used to 5% or 6% or even
higher — but with inflation at 2%, $100 turns itself into $82
after 10 years and $67 after 20 years, not at all trivial if you’re
thinking long term, which is how we want people to think.
With inflation
drip-dripping away at the value of cash in this way, people may be
more willing to consider other types of investments, including the
bricks-and-mortar, nuts-and-bolts, silicon-and-bytes kind that create
jobs.
Trouble is, once
people know inflation is coming, they’ll act to offset it. All else
equal, 2% inflation would reduce all real interest rates by 2% and
that would make real, employment-generating investment easier. But of
course all else won’t be equal. If everyone knows inflation will be
2%, everyone lending money will ask for an extra 2% to preserve the
real return to their investment. Nominal rates change, real rates
don’t.
The only investments
for which compensating adjustments aren’t possible are those
already made. If you lent money at 5% when you thought there wouldn’t
be any inflation, you were counting on a 5% real return. Now the
central bank decides it prefers 2% inflation, so your real return
falls to three. You’re out 2% real. Too bad, so sad!
Do such windfall
transfers from lenders to borrowers help the economy? Maybe in the
short run. One of the biggest borrowers of all is Japan’s
government, which has debts approaching 200% of GDP. Paul Krugman
recently wrote approvingly about higher Japanese inflation “helping
to inflate away part of the government’s debt,” which it
certainly will do.
But will the effects
be all good? What happens to lending in the long term? People lend
expecting one inflation regime and then the government announces a
new regime? True, the government never guaranteed it wouldn’t. The
lenders lent with their eyes open. Still, it’s a kind of swindle,
isn’t it?
The government now
says it won’t swindle again. Two per cent will be the rate for the
long term. But what’s to prevent it, three years from now, from
going to 4% — as in fact several prominent economists have
suggested the U.S. should do in order to deal with its own Zero Lower
Bound?
Greater anxiety about
the likelihood of making a given rate of return on money lent isn’t
the worst disaster imaginable. But will a reputation for policy
duplicity really secure Japan’s future?
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