Ellen Brown continues to do a
wonderful job in explaining what has happened to the US banking system and to promote
the clear road forward.
Our society has chosen to centralize
banking because it appears on the surface that this provides a stronger and
more profitable enterprise. Yet that is
absolutely incorrect.
Once upon a time, the only
creditable borrower was the king. He
borrowed all the money in existence and that was that. Except it was not very profitable and always
difficult to manage. Distributing that
capability downward was always more profitable as even the micro lending industry
is now showing.
The error is simple. A human being must be involved. A human being can manage a finite portfolio
and no more. Just because you give me
one hundred million because I earned ten percent in the management of twenty
million in the second mortgage market does not mean I am able to earn ten
percent on the one hundred million. In
fact I can only mange twenty million and the balance must go into the first
mortgage market. The yield now drops
down to around six percent. Ouch!
The same applies to governments
and banking. Smaller is better so long
as proper liquidity is available.
I now think it to be appropriate
to allow reserve based banking at the small community level. It certainly should be thought out and
tested. A community of two hundred
families working the same resource base could easily work such a banking coop system.
Why Banks Aren’t Lending: The Silent Liquidity Squeeze
By Ellen Brown
URL of this article: www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=25650
Why aren’t banks lending to
local businesses? The Fed’s decision to pay interest on $1.6
trillion in “excess” reserves is a chief suspect.
Where did all the jobs go? Small and medium-sized businesses
are the major source of new job creation, and they are not
hiring. Startup businesses, which contribute a fifth of the nation’s
new jobs, often can’t even get off the ground. Why?
In a June 30 article in the Wall Street Journal titled “Smaller
Businesses Seeking Loans Still Come Up Empty,” Emily Maltby reported that
business owners rank access to capital as the most important issue facing them
today; and only 17% of smaller businesses said they were able to land needed
bank financing. Businesses have to pay for workers and materials
before they can get paid for the products they produce, and for that they need
bank credit; but they are reporting that their credit lines are being
cut. They are being pushed
instead into credit card accounts that average 16 percent interest, more than
double the rate of the average business loan. It is one of many
changes in banking trends that have been very lucrative for Wall Street banks but are killing local
businesses.
Why banks aren’t lending is a matter of debate, but the Fed’s decision
to pay interest on bank reserves is high on the list of
suspects. Bruce Bartlett,writing in the Fiscal Times in July 2010, observed:
Economists are divided
on why banks are not lending, but increasingly are focusing on a Fed policy of
paying interest on reserves — a policy that began, interestingly enough, on
October 9, 2008, at almost exactly the moment when the financial crisis became
acute. . .
Historically, the Fed
paid banks nothing on required reserves. This was like a tax equivalent to the
interest rate banks could have earned if they had been allowed to lend such
funds. But in 2006, the Fed requested permission to pay interest on reserves
because it believes that it would help control the money supply should
inflation reappear.
. . .
[M]any economists believe that the Fed has unwittingly encouraged banks to sit
on their cash and not lend it by paying interest on reserves.
At one
time, banks collected deposits from their own customers and stored them for
their own liquidity needs, using them to back loans and clear outgoing checks. But
today banks typically borrow (or “buy”) liquidity, either from other banks,
from the money market, or from the commercial paper market. The
Fed’s payment of interest on reserves competes with all of these markets for
ready-access short-term funds, creating a shortage of the liquidity that banks
need to make loans.
By
inhibiting interbank lending, the Fed appears to be creating a silent
“liquidity squeeze” -- the same sort of thing that brought on the banking
crisis of September 2008. According to Jeff Hummel, associate
professor of economics at San
Jose State University , it could happen
again. He warns that paying
interest on reserves “may eventually rank with the Fed's doubling of reserve
requirements in the 1930s and bringing on the recession of 1937 within the
midst of the Great Depression.”
The Travesty of the
$1.6 Trillion in “Excess Reserves”
The bank bailout and the Federal Reserve’s two “quantitative easing”
programs were supposedly intended to keep credit flowing to the local economy; but
despite trillions of dollars thrown at Wall Street banks, these programs have
succeeded only in producing mountains of “excess reserves” that are now sitting
idle in Federal Reserve bank accounts. A stunning $1.6 trillion in
excess reserves have accumulated since the collapse of Lehman Brothers on
September 15, 2008.
The
justification for TARP -- the Trouble Asset Relief Program that subsidized the
nation’s largest banks -- was that it was necessary to unfreeze credit
markets. The contention was that banks were refusing to lend to each
other, cutting them off from the liquidity that was essential to the lending
business. But an MIT study reported in September 2010 showed that
immediately after the Lehman collapse, the interbank lending markets were
actually working. They froze, not when Lehman died, but when the Fed
started paying interest on excess reserves in October 2008. According to the study, as summarized in The Daily Bail:
. . . [T]he NY Fed's own data show that interbank
lending during the period from September to November did not
"freeze," collapse, melt down or anything else. In fact, every
single day throughout this period, hundreds of billions were borrowed and paid
back. The decline in daily interbank lending came only when the Fed
ballooned its balance sheet and started paying interest on excess
reserves.
On October 9, 2008, the Fed began paying interest, not just on required bank reserves
(amounting to 10% of deposits for larger banks), but on “excess”
reserves. Reserve balances immediately shot up, and they have been
going up almost vertically ever since.
By March 2011, interbank loans outstanding were only one-third their
level in May 2008, before the banking crisis hit. And on June 29,
2011, the Fed reported excess reserves of nearly $1.57 trillion – 20 times
what the banks needed to satisfy their reserve requirements.
Why Pay Interest on
Reserves?
Why the Fed decided to pay interest on reserves is a
complicated question, but it was evidently a desperate attempt to keep control
of “monetary policy.” The Fed theoretically controls the money supply by
controlling the Fed funds rate. This hasn’t worked very well in
practice, but neither has anything else, and the Fed is apparently determined
to hang onto this last arrow in its regulatory quiver.
In an effort to salvage a comatose credit market after the Lehman
collapse, the Fed set the target rate for Fed funds – the funds that banks
borrow from each other -- at an extremely low 0.25%. Paying interest
on reserves at that rate was intended to ensure that the Fed funds rate did not
fall below the target. The reasoning was that banks would not lend their reserves
to other banks for less, since they could get a guaranteed 0.25% from the
Fed. The medicine worked, but it had the adverse side effect of
killing the Fed funds market, on which local lenders rely for their liquidity
needs.
It has
been argued that banks do not need to get funds from each other, since they are
now awash in reserves; but these reserves are not equally distributed. The 25 largest U.S. banks
account for over half of aggregate reserves, with 21% of reserves held by just
3 banks; and the largest banks have cut back on small business lending by over
50%. Large Wall Street banks have more lucrative things to do with
the very cheap credit made available by the Fed that to lend it to businesses
and consumers, which has become a risky and expensive business with the
imposition of higher capital requirements and tighter regulations.
In any case,
as noted in an earlier article, the excess reserves from the QE2 funds
have accumulated in foreign rather than domestic banks. John Mason, Professor of Finance at Penn State
University and a former senior economist at the Federal Reserve, wrote in
a June 27 blog that despite QE2:
Cash assets at the smaller [U.S. ] banks
remained relatively flat . . . . Thus, the reserves the Fed was pumping into
the banking system were not going into the smaller banks. . . .
[B]usiness loans continue to “tank” at the smaller
banking institutions.
Local Business Lending Depends on
Ready Access to Liquidity
Without
access to the interbank lending market, local banks are reluctant to extend business credit lines. The
reason was explained by economist Ronald McKinnon in a Wall
Street Journal article in May:
Banks with good retail lending opportunities
typically lend by opening credit lines to nonbank customers. But these credit
lines are open-ended in the sense that the commercial borrower can choose
when—and by how much—he will actually draw on his credit line. This creates
uncertainty for the bank in not knowing what its future cash positions will be.
An illiquid bank could be in trouble if its customers simultaneously decided to
draw down their credit lines.
If the retail bank has easy access to the
wholesale interbank market, its liquidity is much improved. To cover unexpected
liquidity shortfalls, it can borrow from banks with excess reserves with little
or no credit checks. But if the prevailing interbank lending rate is close to
zero (as it is now), then large banks with surplus reserves become loath to
part with them for a derisory yield. And smaller banks, which collectively are
the biggest lenders to SMEs [small and medium-sized enterprises], cannot easily
bid for funds at an interest rate significantly above the prevailing interbank
rate without inadvertently signaling that they might be in trouble. Indeed,
counterparty risk in smaller banks remains substantial as almost 50 have failed
so far this year.
The
local banks could turn to the Fed’s discount window for loans, but that too
could signal that the banks were in trouble; and for weak
banks, the Fed’s discount window may be closed. Further, the discount rate is triple the
Fed funds rate.
As
Warren Mosler, author of The 7 Deadly Innocent Frauds of Economic
Policy, points out, bank regulators have made matters worse by
setting limits on the amount of “wholesale” funding small banks can
do. That means they are limited in the amount of liquidity they can
buy (e.g. in the form of CDs). A certain percentage of a bank’s
deposits must be “retail” deposits – the deposits of their own
customers. This forces small banks to compete in a tight market for
depositors, driving up their cost of funds and making local lending
unprofitable. Mosler maintains that the Fed could fix this problem
by (a) lending Fed funds as needed to all member banks at the Fed funds rate,
and (b) dropping the requirement that a percentage of bank funding be retail
deposits.
Finding Alternatives to a Failed
Banking Model
Paying interest on reserves was intended to prevent “inflation,” but it
is having the opposite effect, contracting the money and credit that are the
lifeblood of a functioning economy. The whole economic model is
wrong. The fear of price inflation has prevented governments from
using their sovereign power to create money and credit to serve the needs of
their national economies. Instead, they must cater to the interests
of a private banking industry that profits from its monopoly power over those
essential economic tools.
Whether by accident or design, federal
policymakers still have not got it right. While we are waiting
for them to figure it out, states can nurture and protect their own local
economies with publicly-owned banks, on the model of the Bank of North Dakota (BND). Currently
the nation’s only state-owned bank, the BND services the liquidity needs of
local banks and keeps credit flowing in the state. Other benefits to
the local economy are detailed in a Demos report by Jason Judd and Heather
McGhee titled “Banking on America: How Main Street Partnership Banks Can
Improve Local Economies.” They write:
Alone among states, North Dakota had the wherewithal to keep
credit moving to small businesses when they needed it most. BND’s business
lending actually grew from 2007 to 2009 (the tightest months of the credit
crisis) by 35 percent. . . . [L]oan amounts per capita for small banks in North Dakota are fully 175% higher than the U.S. average in the last five years, and its
banks have stronger loan-to-asset ratios than comparable states like Wyoming , South Dakota
and Montana .
Fourteen states have now initiated bills to establish
state-owned banks or to study their feasibility. Besides serving
local lending needs, state-owned banks can provide cash-strapped states with
new revenues, obviating the need to raise taxes, slash services or sell off
public assets.
Ellen Brown is an attorney and president of the Public
Banking Institute, http://PublicBankingInstitute.org. In Web of Debt, her
latest of eleven books, she shows how the power to create money has been
usurped from the people, and how we can get it back. Her websites are http://webofdebt.com andhttp://ellenbrown.com.
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