There is a lot of triumphalism
commentary out there reflecting the apparent rise of China and its possible impact on
other countries globally. Here is some
of it.
I am not nearly so sold on this
idea and mostly for the same reasons I dismissed similar pronouncements out of Japan twenty
years ago.
Developing countries have a one
time opportunity to use command based economics to catch up to the developed
economies. It took Japan forty years and it has taken China thirty years as it will take India .
It is at that point that they
must pay real attention to the base itself and growth naturally flat lines as
incomes begin to fill in the gaps.
The other huge gift these
countries experienced was and remains Pax Americana. All their defense budgets are relatively modest
because the US
defense budget is not. Diverting wealth
into an unnecessary arms build up is a fool’s errand. Even India
only has to over match Pakistan
whose capacity is perhaps ten percent of India ’s.
The USA does need to revamp its
economic structure and surely will, upon which we will see US growth rates of
4% plus and Chinese growth rates tailing off to nearly flat.
IMF bombshell: Age of America
nears end
BRETT ARENDS' ROI
April 25, 2011, 7:20 p.m. EDT
Commentary: China ’s
economy will surpass the U.S.
in 2016
By Brett Arends, MarketWatch
Victor Cha, senior adviser on Asian affairs at Washington’s Center for
Strategic and International Studies, told me China’s neighbors in Asia are
already waking up to the dangers. “The region is overwhelmingly looking to the U.S. in a way
that it hasn’t done in the past,” he said. “They see the U.S. as a counterweight to China . They
also see American hegemony over the last half-century as fairly benign. In China they see
the rise of an economic power that is not benevolent, that can be predatory.
They don’t see it as a benign hegemony.”
The rise of China ,
and the relative decline of America ,
is the biggest story of our time. You can see its implications everywhere, from
shuttered factories in the Midwest to soaring
costs of oil and other commodities. Last fall, when I attended a conference in London about agricultural investment, I was struck by the
number of people there who told stories about Chinese interests snapping up
farmland and foodstuff supplies — from South America to China and elsewhere.
This is the result of decades during which China
has successfully pursued economic policies aimed at national expansion and
power, while the U.S.
has embraced either free trade or, for want of a better term, economic
appeasement.
“There are two systems in collision,” said Ralph Gomory, research
professor at NYU’s Stern business school. “They have a state-guided form of
capitalism, and we have a much freer former of capitalism.” What we have seen,
he said, is “a massive shift in capability from the U.S.
to China .
What we have done is traded jobs for profit. The jobs have moved to China . The
capability erodes in the U.S.
and grows in China .
That’s very destructive. That is a big reason why the U.S. is
becoming more and more polarized between a small, very rich class and an
eroding middle class. The people who get the profits are very different from
the people who lost the wages.”
The next chapter of the story is just beginning.
What the rise of China
means for defense, and international affairs, has barely been touched on. The U.S. is now
spending gigantic sums — from a beleaguered economy — to try to maintain its
place in the sun. See:
Pentagon spending is budget blind spot .
It’s a lesson we could learn more cheaply from the sad story of the
British, Spanish and other empires. It doesn’t work. You can’t stay on top if
your economy doesn’t.
Equally to the point, here is what this means economically, and for
investors.
Some years ago I was having lunch with the smartest investor I know,
London-based hedge-fund manager Crispin Odey. He made the argument that markets
are reasonably efficient, most of the time, at setting prices. Where they are
most likely to fail, though, is in correctly anticipating and pricing big,
revolutionary, “paradigm” shifts — whether a rise of disruptive technologies or
revolutionary changes in geopolitics. We are living through one now.
The U.S.
Treasury market continues to operate on the assumption that it will always
remain the global benchmark of money. Business schools still teach students,
for example, that the interest rate on the 10-year Treasury bond is the
“risk-free rate” on money. And so it has been for more than a century. But
that’s all based on the Age of America .
No wonder so many have been buying gold. If the U.S. dollar ceases to
be the world’s sole reserve currency, what will be? The euro would be fine if
it acts like the old deutschemark. If it’s just the Greek drachma in drag ...
not so much.
The last time the world’s dominant hegemon lost its ability to run
things singlehandedly was early in the past century. That’s when the U.S. and Germany
surpassed Great Britain .
It didn’t turn out well.
Updated with IMF reaction
The International Monetary Fund has responded to my article.
In a statement sent to MarketWatch, the IMF confirmed the report, but
challenged my interpretation of the data. Comparing the U.S. and Chinese economies using
“purchase-power-parity,” it argued, “is not the most appropriate measure…
because PPP price levels are influenced by nontraded services, which are more
relevant domestically than globally.”
The IMF added that it prefers to compare economies using market
exchange rates, and that under this comparison the U.S.
“is currently 130% bigger than China ,
and will still be 70% larger by 2016.”
My take?
The IMF is entitled to make its case. But its argument raises more
questions than it answers.
First, no one measure is perfect. Everybody knows that.
But that’s also true of the GDP figures themselves. Hurricane Katrina,
for example, added to the U.S.
GDP, because it stimulated a lot of economic activity — like providing
emergency relief, and rebuilding homes. Is there anyone who seriously thinks
Katrina was a net positive for the United States ? All statistics need
caveats.
Second, comparing economies using simple exchange rates, as the IMF
suggests, raises huge problems.
Currency markets fluctuate. They represent international money flows,
not real output.
The U.S. dollar has fallen nearly 10% against the euro so far this
year. Does anyone suggest that the real size of the U.S.
economy has shrunk by 10% in comparison with Europe
over that period? The idea is absurd.
Purchasing power parity is not a perfect measure. None exists. But it
measures the output of economies in terms of real goods and services, not just
paper money. That’s why it’s widely used to compare economies. The IMF
publishes PPP data. So does the OECD. Many economists rely on them.
Brett Arends is a senior
columnist for MarketWatch and a personal-finance columnist for The Wall Street
Journal.
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