Our core problem is that the majority of policy makers are unable to imagine a nonlinear mathematical process which nicely describes taxation..
A sensible situation may be to allocate thirty percent of all income to a taxation accumulation account. Then government agencies bid for this money through the size of discount they will accept with the discount bouncing back to the taxpayer. Best discounts would be subscribe quickly with maximum individual shares rationed in that case. Less popular programs may well even go to a premium until time runs out and buy-ins are forced.
Imagine the effect this would have on program managers. Better yet, imagine accepting less money and then managing that within your program. The feed back would be dynamic.
Tax Competition: A Practical Way to a Low-Tax World
Tax Competition: A Practical Way to a Low-Tax World
This
article is based on a speech delivered at the European Students for
Liberty Regional Conference in Reykjavik, Iceland, held on September 22,
2018.
That “taxation is theft” is often the default position libertarians take when it comes to tax policy. Why? Because
a “tax is a coerced contribution to state and federal revenues,” and
“coercion is force.” Thus, it is “taking something of another person
without that person’s consent.” It should not be the subject of this
article whether or not this is true; whether taxation truly is theft.
This article, if anything, looks into the effectiveness of this
claim, rather than the merit to it. “Taxation is theft,” disregarding
the truthfulness of the statement, may be a good catchphrase, which can
adequately and briefly describe a moral problem, and it is a good way to
cheer up others who are equally outraged as oneself about the
government appropriating a big chunk of your income or profit. But
trying to convince other people about the rightfulness of the notion
that taxes are bad by referring to these words will not necessarily
result in full agreement – rather, it will probably result in
astonishment. Even if you are able to convince them of the truthfulness
of the statement, most people will still resort to saying something
like: “a certain level of theft is needed then.”
If “taxation is theft” is all we have, we might have a problem – a
major one, indeed. Our opposition is strong already: from all sides of
the political spectrum, you hear voices saying that taxes need to be
raised. There are, of course, outright socialists like Bernie Sanders
and Jeremy Corbyn, who constantly attack the evil 1% or exploitative
corporations. There are also “social democrats,” or your next door’s
center-leftist, who might agree that taxes are bad, but that at least
the rich should pay a bunch to redistribute wealth to the poor. Then you
have so-called “fiscal conservatives,” who will preach their policy
plans to cut taxes on the campaign trail, yet rarely follow through when
they realize that this would mean cutting (military) spending.
Perhaps worst of all are supranational organizations and
bureaucracies, most of whom have a consistent track record to provide
policy recommendations which would lead to more regulations and higher
taxation. The list includes the International Monetary Fund (IMF), the
United Nations (UN), the World Bank, and the OECD
. The leading voice in outrageous tax propaganda is possibly the
European Union. On top of their long-going tax harmonization plans, they
have also begun to preach the international tax agenda in basic
education for kids (take TaxEDU and the accompanying video game Taxlandia as examples, which cost European taxpayers over 125,000 dollars ).
Facing this rather disastrous situation in which everyone who demands
lower taxes is instantly chastised by almost everyone, what is a
possible solution? My argument is that we should advocate more often for
tax competition as one primary principle of tax policy.
One of the most important economic principles is that incentives matter.
It is an inconspicuous principle at first sight, but understanding this
already goes a long way. We are not angels. There is evil in this world
– and even if the vast majority of people are not truly evil, they are –
as the Catholic part in me reminds me – fallen. Ours is a sinful
nature. And even if we have the best intentions in mind, we still make
mistakes.
The task is then to find a structure, a system, where people are
incentivized to do the right thing. For us, in this specific
circumstance, it means to find a structure where politicians are
incentivized to implement lower taxes – even if they don’t necessarily
wish to do so from an ideological perspective.
This is where competition comes into play. For market advocates,
competition has always had a profound significance. On the market, good
ideas would prevail in a competitive nature, and people would find out
which path should be taken to be successful – by learning from others’
experience and failures. Friedrich A. von Hayek called competition “a
discovery procedure not only by giving anyone who has the opportunity to
exploit special circumstances the possibility to do so profitably, but
also by conveying to the other parties the information that there is
some such opportunity.”
Often neglected, however, is so-called “institutional competition” –
or “state competition.” It is, as the name already suggests, competition
between states and government institutions. The idea is clear-cut: in a
world with more than one state – such as the one we live in –
individual states will almost inevitably compete with each other (as
long as freedom to move at least exists in some way).
When it comes to taxes, for instance, if country A has a 90 percent
flat tax rate, and country B has only 30 percent, migration flows will –
ceteris paribus– develop from A to B. As more and more
individuals and companies flee from A to B, A will lose its tax base and
thus, its revenue. To sustain itself, it will have to follow B and cut
taxes as well. In the end, everyone is left with lower taxes.
The Left is quite correct to call this a “race to the bottom” – only
the negative connotation to it needs to be questioned. After all, a
“race to the bottom” in tax policy would result in less taxes, and as a
result, in individuals and companies being allowed to keep more of their
earned income and profit in their own pocket.
Examples for the success of tax competition are plentiful. Indeed, the EU might be the prime example for it. Tax competition still thrives in Europe
: corporate tax rates, for instance, range from zero percent on the
Isle of Man to 35 percent in Malta. Ireland has especially made strides
with its low 12 percent corporate tax rate, luring tech companies
like Apple, Google, Microsoft, and Oracle to the nation of Guinness
(the excellent Irish beer might be another reason for those companies
moving there). This has led to thousands upon thousands of jobs,
staggering economic growth, and eventually, more wealth for the country.
Meanwhile, other EU member states haven’t experienced staggering
economic growth – and certainly also because of their staggering tax
rates. It is no surprise that France with its 33 percent corporate tax
rate and Germany with its 30 percent have been the forerunners in the
idea of an EU-wide tax harmonization, where a minimum tax rate –
probably around 30 percent – would be introduced. They have been losing
out to the likes of Ireland for years (or, in their language, they have
been deprived).
Another example can be found across the pond. A recent study by Chris Edwards from the Cato Institute shows
that “Americans are migrating to low-tax states.” Dividing the United
States into the 25 highest-tax and 25 lowest-tax states, Edwards found
that only in 2016, “almost 600,000 people moved, on net, from the former
to the latter.”
“People are moving into low-tax New Hampshire and out of Massachusetts. Into low-tax South Dakota and out of its neighbors. Into low-tax Tennessee and out of Kentucky. And into low-tax Florida from New York, Connecticut, New Jersey, and just about every other high-tax state.”
For exhibit three (of four), we may go back to the 1990s and early
2000s. The years around the turn of the millennia saw several
liberalization efforts in the Western world, from Australia to New
Zealand to Scandinavia – most shockingly, many of those countries were
led by left-wing governments. Germany might be the most baffling example
in this: when the center-left Social Democratic Party, in a coalition
with the even further left Green Party, came to power in 1998, no one
would have expected them to implement pro-market reforms.
But Germany wasn’t doing well at that point – the country was losing
companies as well as individuals to countries abroad. And so the
impossible happened: a left-wing government, which certainly did not
believe in “neoliberalism” at all, suddenly decided to become the most pro-capitalist government since Ludwig Erhard’s administration four decades before . The reforms included cuts both on corporate taxes ( from 56 to 39 percent ) as well as marginal income tax rates ( from 53 to 42 percent ).
As for our final example, we are still unaware of the implications.
Nonetheless, Donald Trump’s tax cuts already show signs of spurring tax
competition around the world. Nathan Keeble and I wrote in January
that the Tax Cut and Jobs Act, “could be the catalyst that makes Europe
more competitive.”
Now, this new competitive aspect seems to
materialize. Reports have indicated
that tax revenue collected from multinational corporations in other
countries will drop by 1.6 to 13.5 percent, most harshly in neighboring
countries such as Mexico. Trump’s tax cuts have also, with U.S.
companies repatriating to their home country and international
corporations following, led to increasing demands in European countries
to cut taxes, too. In Germany, these proposals have been made by think tanks , interest groups , as well as prominent politicians . France, a country always reluctant to reform its economy, seems destined to finally cut taxes, now having more pressure from its ally across the Atlantic. And the British government has been planning for substantial tax cuts in the last few years as well.
Tax competition is a global business today. With the increasing
division of labor and global trade channels, this has indeed become a
global economy, where all countries compete with one another. If one
needs a final proof of the efficacy of tax competition, it can be found
at corporate tax rates worldwide and their development over the last
decades. As the following graph, courtesy of Daniel Mitchell , shows, corporate taxes have been significantly reduced since 1980 – in all parts of the world:
These cases demonstrate that while we can continue to make the moral
case for lower taxes, and while we should always provide policy
recommendations on specific countries, we should also focus more on
simply defending institutional competition. It is a difficult yet
laudable task to convince people that low taxation is beneficial. But
looking for structures in which governments are incentivized to pursue
these goals, regardless of their political views, might be the most
practical choice available.
1 comment:
"Our core problem is that the majority of policy makers are unable to imagine a nonlinear mathematical process which nicely describes taxation.."
The core of the problem is, if I did as government types do and forced strangers to give me money, would you consider me a criminal.
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