It is all good politics even if it is economic suicide and outright stupid. That has not stopped the political pitch ever.
I always like to share the imagined markups on the proverbial tee shirt, selling cost say $10.00.
$1.00 to commission salesman.
$1.00 to house margin
$4.00 to sales discounts used to move product as it ages..
$2.50 wholesalers margin to pay for importing risk and all that.
$2.00 taxes and tariffs.
$0.50 to Chinese manufacturer to pay workers at $0.25
This is not one hundred percent correct but i went through numbers that were real a few times and this is not off the mark. My point is that anywhere from 85% to 95% is spent onshore for most commodity type products not demanding serious labor inputs.
Thus the political case though almost convincing is nothing of the sort.
Bernie Sanders' Anti-Foreign Crankery
Monday, March 07, 2016
http://fee.org/articles/bernie-sanders-anti-trade-crankery/
At Sunday's Democratic presidential debate, Bernie Sanders attacked American trade with Mexicans, Chinese, Vietnamese, and presumably all other foreigners who might try to steal our jobs. Sanders harangued Hillary Clinton,bn NAFTA, supported by the Secretary, cost us 800,000 jobs nationwide, tens of thousands of jobs in the Midwest. Permanent normal trade relations with China cost us millions of jobs.
Look, I was on a picket line in early 1990’s against NAFTA because you didn’t need a PhD in economics to understand that American workers should not be forced to compete against people in Mexico making 25 cents an hour.
... And the reason that I was one of the first, not one of the last to be in opposition to the TPP is that American workers ... should not be forced to compete against people in Vietnam today making a minimum wage of $0.65 an hour.
Look, what we have got to do is tell corporate America that they cannot continue to shut down. We’ve lost 60,000 factories since 2001. They’re going to start having to, if I’m president, invest in this country — not in China, not in Mexico.
First, let's note his dodgy job numbers. As Dan Griswold noted in 2011, in response to a similar claim about jobs "lost" from the "trade deficit" with Mexico,
In the first five years after NAFTA’s passage, 1994-98, when we could have expected it to have the most impact, the U.S. economy ADDED a net 15 million new jobs, including 700,000 manufacturing jobs.
Behold, the horror unleashed on US manufacturing jobs by trade with Mexico:
In fact, since NAFTA went into effect in 1994, total US employment has increased by 28 million jobs. Even if we buy the dubious claim that NAFTA "cost us 800,000 jobs" over the last 22 years, this amounts just 36,000 jobs a year.
As Griswold noted, even in good times, 300,000 Americans file for unemployment each week. The US economy creates and destroys more than 15 million jobs every year. This alleged displacement amounts to less than one day's worth of job losses.
It's true that, in the long-run, manufacturing jobs have been in decline in the United States. But this is not because manufacturing is in decline. The myth (promoted by the other nationalist blowhard in the race) that United States "doesn't make stuff anymore" is not just wrong — it couldn't be further from the truth.
Real US manufacturing output is the highest it has ever been. Simply put, the US makes more stuff than ever.
How can this be? Because manufacturing productivity — the amount of value added per hour worked — has gone up dramatically in recent decades. Manufacturing employment is declining because of automation; a US factory worker today can add a lot more value per hour than one in 1970.
It's simply not true that trade devastated the US economy and wiped out millions of jobs. Employment has shifted within the US economy, out of industry into service jobs, and manufacturing has shifted around the globe, aligning production with the comparative advantages of each country's labor and capital markets.
The resentment stoked by nationalists like Trump and Sanders is based on a nonsensical proposition, a mirage of high-paying blue collar jobs stolen by conniving foreigners, which we could reclaim if only we had the will to wage a trade war.
But the machines and global production chains are here to stay, and the jobs being done in Vietnam and China for fifty cents an hour are on the extreme low end of the value-added chain — which should be obvious, when you think about it, since they pay so little. (On the back of every iPhone is a short economics lesson on this point: "Designed by Apple in California. Assembled in China.")
Do we really want to "bring those jobs back"? Do we envision a future where the American middle class is sewing textiles in sweatshops for a dollar an hour? Of course not. Americans today likely wouldn't do those jobs at any wage, but especially not at the wages paid to low-skilled workers in developing Asian and Latin American countries. Those jobs only exist at those wages; at higher wages, they are scarcer, higher-skilled, and more capital intensive.
True, we could make t-shirts and Happy Meal toys in the United States, but we'd be doing it with far, far fewer workers and a lot more capital. Instead of 30 workers at fifty cents an hour, it'd be one person with a machine for $20 an hour.
The real difference would be that everyone would be poorer as a result: consumers paying higher prices, foreigners working in worse conditions and for less money, and American resources being diverted away from where they are most productive.
This is where economic ignorance stops being morally neutral and becomes a real threat to the life and well-being of the poor, especially in the developing world.
Not content to merely keep Mexicans from working in the United States (where, thanks to US capital and infrastructure, they could earn three or four times more than they make in Mexico), Bernie Sanders now objects to the right of Mexicans to work in Mexico, if they dare to sell goods and services to Americans — or, God forbid, try to compete with American firms.
For a champion of the poor like Sanders, there's a double irony here, in that poor Americans are already much wealthier than poor Mexicans, and that tariffs also make goods more expensive for native consumers, disproportionately hurting the poorest Americans. Not only are poor Mexicans made worse off, by losing access to the US market and thus losing jobs, but poor Americans are also made worse off by having less disposable income, which is thus not spent elsewhere in the economy to sustain other American jobs.
And this is just the first order effects of closing off trade with Mexico. When the Mexican government inevitably retaliates, US exports to Mexico (which totaled $236 billion in 2015) will also be devastated and more jobs will be lost. And of course, simply multiply this orders of magnitude for China, Vietnam, and every other country on the nationalistic hit list.
Who gains from this? In the long run, nobody, which is why (after decades of gradual reform) we finally got relatively free trade with our closest neighbors, signed into law by a liberal Democrat. But in the short run, a few US corporations and labor unions would benefit from trade tariffs — at the expense of both poor foreigners and poor Americans as a whole.
(For those keeping score, this makes it an ironic hat trick for Sanders, whose tirades against free trade and open borders are laced with fear-mongering about "corporations.")
Finally, let us ponder Sanders' Alice-in-Wonderland solution to the imagined ills of free trade:
Look, what we have got to do is tell corporate America that they cannot continue to shut down. We’ve lost 60,000 factories since 2001. They’re going to start having to, if I’m president, invest in this country — not in China, not in Mexico.
Did I say Alice in Wonderland? I meant Atlas Shrugged. Ayn Rand was justly accused having unbelievable, one-dimensional stereotypes, but sadly, American politics seems to have the same problem.
It's anyone's guess how Sanders imagines he could force factories not to close and order companies to stay in the United States, but the "you can't shut down" solution is almost directly lifted from "Directive 10-289," the order that Rand's antagonists use to try to "stabilize" the economy:
All workers, wage earners and employees of any kind whatsoever shall henceforth be attached to their jobs and shall not leave nor be dismissed nor change employment... All industrial, commercial, manufacturing and business establishments of any nature whatsoever shall henceforth remain in operation...
Faced with economic decline, the government believed that the only option was to stop the decline, rather allowing people to go where they choose, buy what they choose, and make what they choose. "What it comes down to is that we can manage to exist as and where we are, but we can't afford to move!" archvillain Wesley Mouch exclaims. "So we've got to stand still... We've got to make those bastards stand still!"
When Rand first published this in 1957, this was hyperbole about the fear of change, the reductio ad absurdum of the argument for keeping things as they are. Now, it's an applause line for mainstream presidential candidates.
Daniel Bier Daniel Bier is the site editor of Fee.org He writes on issues relating to science, civil liberties, and economic freedom.
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